REPORT 

OF  THE 

CITY  COUNCIL 

COMMITTEE 
ON  CRIME 


OF  THE 


CITY  OF  CHICAGO 


MARCH  22,  1915 


REPORT 


OF    THE 


CITY    COUNCIL 


COMMITTEE  ON  CRIME 


OF    THE 


CITY  OF  CHICAGO 


ALDERMAN  CHARLES  E.  MERRIAM,  Chairman 


MARCH  22,  1915 


PRESS  OF  H.   G.  ADAIR 
107-  III    N.    MARKET    ST. 

Chicago,   I  llinois 


Members  of  Committee 


ALD.  CHARLES  E.  MERRIAM,  Chairman 

ALD.  THEODORE  K.  LONG         ALD.  S.  S.  WALKOWIAK 

ALD.  THOMAS  D.  NASH 

ALD.  OTTO  KERNER,  Secretary 


Table  of  Contents 

Page 

INTRODUCTION    7 

SUMMARY  OF  FINDINGS 9 

SUMMARY  OF  RECOMMENDATIONS . .  13 

STATISTICS  RELATING  TO  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO. 
Part  I.     Arrest  and  Trial  of  Offenders. 

1.  Extent   of   Crime:    Criminal    Complaints   and    Arrests   on    Felonv 

Charges    ".  ly 

2.  Increase  and  Decrease  in  Number  of  Arrests,  1900-1913 20 

3.  Increase  in  Arrests  in  1913 21 

4.  Increase  in  Arrests  Compared  with  Increase  in  Population 21 

5.  Relation  Between  Number  of  Arrests  and  Number  of  Crimes 22 

6.  Small  Per  Cent  of  Arrests  for  Serious  Offenses 22 

7.  Relation  Between  Arrests  and  Convictions,  1910-1913 23 

8.  Statistics  Relating  to  the   Disposition  of  Cases  in   the   Municipal 

and  Criminal  Courts   24 

9.  Disposition    of   All    Cases    in    the    Municipal    Courts    of    Chicago, 

1906-1913.     Total   Number   Discharged   and   Convicted 25 

10.  Disposition  of  Preliminary  Hearings  in  Municipal  Court,  1908-1913  26 

11.  Disposition  of  Cases  Held  to  the  Grand  Jury,  1901-1913 27 

12.  Final  Disposition  of  Felony  Cases 28 

13.  Per  Cent  of  Convictions  for  Different  Crimes 29 

14.  Other  Statistics  of  Felony  Convictions 30 

15.  The   Signicance   of  Unnecessary  Arrests 31 

16.  Disposition   of   Criminal    (Misdemeanor)    Cases   in   the    Municipal 

Court,  1908-1913  32 

17.  Disposition   of  Quasi-Criminal   Cases   (Violations   of   Ordinances) 

in  the  Municipal  Court,  1908-1913 33 

18.  Statistics   from   Reports   of   Police    Department    Relating   to    Dis- 

sition  of  Cases  in  the  Municipal  Court,  1913 34 

19.  Statistics  from  the  Boys'  Court  35 

20.  Large  Percentage  of  Petty  Offenders  in  the  Boys'  Court 35 

21.  The  Waste  of  Needles  Arrests 36 

22.  Imprisonment   for   Non-Payment  of  Fines 37 

23.  Habitual    Criminals    39 

24.  General  Summary 42 

Part  II.     Statistics  Relating  to  Social  Status  of  Offenders. 

1.  Age  and  Sex  of  Chicago  Offenders 46 

2.  Chicago's   Women   Offenders 47 

3.  Statistics  Relating  to  Crime  and  Immigration  in  Chicago 51 

4.  Occupations:  Conjugal  Condition 56 

5.  General   Summary    58 

Appendix  A.       Statistics  Relating  to  Adult  Probation. 

1.  Number  of  Persons  on  Probation 60 

2.  Offenses  of  which  Probationers  were  Convicted 60 

3.  Results  of  Probation    62 

4.  The    Questionable    Value    of    Such    Terms    as    "Improved"    and 

"Unimproved"    62 

5.  A  Comparison  with  the   Statistics   Relating  to   Probation   in   New 

York  City   63 

6.  Statistics  Relating  to  Restituion  and  Earnmgs  of  Probationers...  66 

7.  Further  Reasons  for  Increasing  the  Number  of  Adult  Probation 

Officers    67 

8.  Summary   67 

9.  Illustrations  of  the   Results  of  the   Failure  to   Investigate   Cases 

Before  Placing  them  on  Probation 69 

10.     Tables  Showing  the  Offenses  of  Men,  Women,  and  Boys  Placed 
on   Probation   by   the   Various   Judges    During   the    Six    Months 

from  January  1  to  June  30,  1914 70 

Appendix  B.     Note  on  the  County  Jail  and  the  House  of  Correction 73 


Table  of  Contents — Continued 

Page 

Appendix  C.     Discussion  of  the  Value,  for  Comparative  Purposes,  of  the 

Statistics  of  Criminal   Complaints 79 

Appendix  D.     Discussion  of  Recurrent  "Crime-Waves";  Statistics  of  Arrest 

by  Months   85 

Appendix  E.     Statistics  Relating  to  Arrests  and  Convictions  in  Chicago, 

New  York  and  London  Compared 86 

Appendix  F.     Detailed  Tables  of  Felonies  and  Misdemeanors  (All  Charges) 

1900-1913 88a 

Appendix  G.  Cases  Disposed  of  in  the  Municipal  Court  of  Chicago,  1900- 
1913.  Detailed  Lists  of  Offenses,  Preliminary  Hearings,  Crimi- 
nal (Misdemeanor)  Cases  and  Quasi-Criminal  Cases  (Violations 
of  Ordinances 88d 

Appendix  H.  Statistics  Showing  Disposition  of  Cases  in  the  Municipal 
Courts,  1900-1913,  from  the  Annual  Reports  of  the  Police  De- 
partment     88f 

UNDERLYING   CAUSES   AND   PRACTICAL   METHODS   OF   PRE- 
VENTING CRIME. 
General  Introduction   91 

I.  Investigation  Among  Prisoners  Confined  in  House  of  Correction 96 

A.  Mental  and  Physical  Examination  of  61  Female  Prisoners  in  the 

House  of  Correction   96 

Binet  Test  of  Mental  Age;  Nervous  Symptoms,  Venereal  Infec- 
tion; Recommendation   97 

B.  An  Investigation  of  Insane  Prisoners  in  the  House  of  Correction     98 
Mental  Cases  Examined  in  House  of  Correction  and  Committed 

to  Institutions  for  the  Insane 98 

Mental  Cases   Examined  and   Kept  at  House  of  Correction  to 

Serve  Out  their  Sentences 98 

Recommendation   100 

II.  A  Study  of  Adult  Probation 101 

Preliminary  Investigation    101 

Number  of  Probation  Officers  in  Various  Cities 101 

Results  of  Probation  Among  Various  Kinds  of  Ocenders 102 

Criteria  for  Selection  of  Probationers  and  Need  for  Adequate   In- 
stitutional Equipment  to  Make  Tests 102 

Selection   of  Probation   Officers 103 

Selection  of  Probation  Officers 103 

Specific  Cases  Illustrating  Basis  of  Selection  of  Probationers 103 

Recommendation   105 

I II.  Some  Studies  of  Juvenile  Delinquents  in  Chicago 106 

A.  Mental    and    Physical    Examination    of    63    Boys    in    the    John 

Worthy  School  106 

Binet  Test  of  Mental  Age;   Wasserman  Test;   Nervous   Symp- 
toms;   Other    Pathological    Conditions;    Race;    Offenses    for 

which  Committed;  Life  Histories  of  Typical  Cases 109 

Conclusion   Ill 

Recommendation       112 

B.  Effectiveness   of  Juvenile   Court  Procedure   Considerd   in   Rela- 

lation  to  Certain -Groups  of  Offenders 113 

a.  Normal  Group  (Age,  Sex,  Court  Changes,  Previous  Institu- 
tional History,  Physical  Diagnosis,  Mental  Diagnosis) 113 

Cause    of   Delinquency;    Remedy    Recommended;    Results 

Attained   115 

b.  Sub-Normal  Group   117 

1.  Age,  Sex,  Court  Change,  Physical  Diagnosis,  Mental 
Diagnosis,  Environmental  Conditions,  Recommenda- 
tions, Disposition,  Result  Attained. 

2.  Special  Study  of  35  Lincoln  Cases 118 

ii 


Table  of  Contents — Continued 

Page 

Released  and  Escaped  Lincoln  Cases 120 

Cause  of  Delinquency;  Institutional  History;  Sub- 
sequent History. 

3.     Subnormal  Cases  Not  Committed  to  Lincoln 124 

c.  Conclusion  127 

d.  Recommendation   127 

C.  Study  of  Cook  County  Boys  now  in  St.  Charles  Reformatory..  128 

Previous  Institutional  Record  of  Boys 128 

Detailed  Educational  History  of  Typical  Boys 131 

History  of  School  Retardation 133 

Physical  and  Mental  Diagnosis  of  Typical  Cases 135 

Conclusion   136 

Recommendation  136 

D.  Delinquent  Boys  in  Employment 138 

Time  Employed    138 

Wages  Received   138 

Continuity  of  Employment 138 

Character  of  Occupations 139 

Experience  of  Juvenile  Officers 139 

Conclusion   and   Recommendations 142 

IV.     Defense  of  Poor  Persons  Accused  of  Crime  in  Chicago 145 

V.     General  Summary  of  Conclusions   149 

General  Summary  of  Recommendations 150 

DESCRIPTION  AND  ANALYSIS  OF  CRIMINAL  CONDITIONS. 

I     Report  of  Attorney  for  Committee 155 

n.     Report  of  Associate  Counsel  for  Committee 162 

1.  Hangouts  of  Profesional  Criminals 162 

2.  Number  and  Classification  of  Professional  Criminals 163 

3.  "Fences"    166 

4.  The  use  of  the  Vagrancy  Act  as  a  Means  of  Driving  Out  Pro- 

fessional Criminals  170 

5.  Relation  of  Crime  to  Prostitution,  the  Drug  Habit  and  Gambling 

and  Excesive  Use  of  Liquor 172 

6.  Police  Organization  and  Methods 174 

(a)  The  Efifectiveness  of  Patrol  System 175 

(b)  The  Reports  Made  by  Detective  Sergeants 179 

(c)  Operator's  Pull  Sheets 180 

(d)  The  Police  Attorney 181 

(e)  Handling  of  Cases  Before  Civil  Service  Commission 182 

(f)  Handling  of  Vice  Reports 182 

(g)  Schooling  of  Members  of  the  Department 183 

(h)     Refusal  of  Warrants  in  Certain  Cases 184 

7.  Police  Collusion  with  Crime 184 

8.  Professional  Bondsmen,  the  Criminal  Lawyer  and  the  Fixer...".  189 

9.  Prosecution   192 

BIBLIOGRAPHY   196 


111 


List  of  Tables 
Statistics  of  Crime  in  Chicago 

Table  Page 

1.  Criminal   complaints  and   arrests    (felony   charges):    1905-1913 20 

2.  Total  number  of  arrests   (felonies  and  misdemeanors):   1900-1913...  20 

3.  Percentage  increase  of  arrests  in  1913  over  1912,  1911,   1910 21 

4.  Arrests   per    10,000   population 21 

5.  Arrests  for  felonies  in  relation  to  total  number  of  arrests 23 

6.  Disposition    of   cases   in    Municipal    Court:    1900-1913 ; 23 

7.  Disposition  of  all  cases  in  the  Municipal  Court:  1908-1913 25 

8.  Disposition  of  felony  cases  on  preliminary  hearings:  Municipal  Court 

statistics:     1908-1913     2(i 

9.  Number  of  true  bills  and  no  bills  returned  by  Grand  Jury  of  Cook 

County:    1901-1913    ,. ., 27 

10.  Disposition    of   all    felony    cases    given   preliminary    hearings    in    the 

Municipal    Court  of   Chicago:    1912 _. 28 

11.  Number  of  preliminary  hearings  and  convictions  in  felony  cases,  by 

crimes:    1912 29 

12.  Convictions  and  arrests  for  felonies  (except  grand  larceny):  1913....  30 

13.  Persons  released  from  Cook  County  Jail  in  1913  without  conviction..  32 

14.  Disposition    of    criminal    cases     (misdemeanors)     in     the     Municipal 

Court:    1908-1913 _. 32 

15.  Disposition  of  quasi-criminal  cases   (violations  of  ordinances)   in  the 

Municipal    Court:    1908-1913 33 

16.  Disposition  of  all  cases  in  the   Municipal   Court  as  published  in  the 

report  of  the  police  department :   1913 34 

17.  Disposition  of  cases:  violations,  misdemeanors,  felonies 35 

18.  Commitments  to  House  of  Correction:  1910-1913 37 

19.  Number  of  persons  committed  for  non-payment  of  fines  of  specified 

amounts:    1910-1913 37 

20.  Terms  of  those  committed  to  serve  sentences  in  the  House  of  Cor- 

rection (not  including  those  sentenced  and  fined):  1913 38 

21.  Terms  of  those  committed  to  serve  sentences  in  the  House  of  Cor- 

rection in  addition  to  paying  fines:  1913 38 

22.  Methods   of  release    of  prisoners   committed   to   the    House   of    Cor- 

rection:  1908-1913 39 

23.  Number  brought   to  the  Bureau   of  Identification   who   had  criminal 

records   in   the   following   institutions 41 

24.  Number  of  persons  brought  to  the  Bureau  of  Identification 41 

25.  Disposition  of  cases  which  passed  through  Bureau  of  Identification...  41 

26.  Number  of  times  persons  over    16  years   of  age  admit  having  been 

committed  to  the   House   of  Correction 42 

27.  Number  of  men  and  women  arrested,  by  age  groups 46 

28.  Sex    of    persons    committed    to    Illinois    State    Penitentiaries,    Cook 

County   Jail,   and   House   of   Correction 47 

29.  Charges:  men  and  women  offenders:   1913 47 

30.  Number  and  per  cent  of  men  and  women  convicted  and  discharged..     48 

31.  Disposition   of   cases   of  men  and  women   convicted 48 

32.  Ofifenses  for  which  women  were  arrested  in  1913 49 

33.  General  nativity  of  women  offenders:  Chicago  Police  Report,  1913...  50 

34.  Total  arrests  and  convictions  by  general  nativity 52 

35.  General  nativity  of  persons  arrested  and  convicted:   1913 53 

36.  General  nativity  of  prisoners   in   State  penal  institutions  of  Illinois: 

in   Chicago  House  of  Correction:  in  the  Cook  County  Jail 54 

37.  Nationality   of  male   persons   arrested   and   convicted    compared   with 

nationality  of  male  population  over  twenty-one  years  of  age 55 

38.  Occupations   of  persons  arrested   during   1913 57 

39.  Conjugal  condition  of  persons  arrested  in  1913 58 

Appendix  A 

I.     Number    of    persons    admitted    to    probation    during   two    and 

one-half  years    60 

iv 


List  of  Tables — Continued 

II.  Offenses  of  which  probationers  had  been  convicted,  year  end- 
ing September  30,   1913    61 

III.  Offenses  of  which  probationers  had  been  convicted  during  six 

months  ending  March  30,   1914 61 

IV.  Number  of  discharged  probationers  who  were  found  improved 

or    unimproved    during    two    and    one-half    years    ending 

March  30,  1914 62 

V.  Number  of  persons  placed  on  probation  in  the  different  courts 
in  New  York  City,  year  ending  September  30,  1913,  to- 
gether with   number   of  probation   officers 63 

VI.  Offenses  of  which  men  and  women  had  been  convicted  before 
they  were  placed  on  probation  in  New  York  City  during 

the    year   ending    September   30,    1913 63 

VII.     Results  of  probation  in  cases  of  persons  passed  from  probation 

during  the  year  ending  September  30,  1914 64 

VIII.  Offenses  of  men,  women,  and  boys  placed  on  probation  by  the 
various  judges  during  the  six  months  from  January  1 
to  June  30,   1914 70 

Appendix  B. 

I.     Disposition   of  cases   committed   to   Cook   County  Jail   during 

the  year  ending  December  30,    1913 IZ 

II.  Number  of  persons  committed  to  Cook  County  Jail,  1913, 
with  reasons  for  commitment  to  jail  and  number  of  days 
spent   in   jail    74 

III.  Daily  population  of  the  County  Jail  during  1913 11 

IV.  Length  of  sentence  of  persons,  together  with  actual  time  spent 

in  jail 78 

Appendix  C. 

I.     Criminal  complaints  and  arrests  on  felony  charges:  1905-1913.     79 
II.     Complaints    and    arrests    for    burglary,    larceny,    robbery,    and 

other  felonies,  1912  and  1913 80 

III.  Criminal  complaints,  arrests  and  convictions,   1913 81 

IV.  Criminal    complaint    (police    statistics),    preliminary    hearings 

and  final  dispositions  in  Criminal  Court  cases  heard  there 

1912    81 

V.     Criminal  complaints  received  1912  and  1913,  by  precincts 83 

VI.     Arrests  by  precincts  during  the  first  two  months  of  the  year 

1914    84 

Appendix  D. 

I.     Monthly  summary   of  charges :    1907-1913 85 

I.     Monthly  summary  of  criminal  complaints  received  during  1912 

and    1913    85 

Appendix  F. 

I.     Classification   of  charges   (felonies):    1900-1913 88a 

II.     Classification  of  charges   (misdemeanors):   1900-1913 88b 

Apendix  G.  Cases  disposed  of  in  the  Municipal  Court  of  Chicago:  1908- 
1913.  Detailed  lists  of  offenses,  preliminary  hearings, 
criminal    (misdemeanor)    cases    and    quasi-criminal    cases 

(violations    of    ordinances)    88d 

Appendix  H.  Statistics  showing  disposition  of  cases  in  the  Municipal 
Court  reports,  1900-1913,  from  the  annual  reports  of  the 
police    department    88f 


Introduction 

and 

Summary 


INTRODUCTION 


The  Council  Committee  on  Crime  was  created  by  resolution  of  the  City 
Council,  introduced  by  Alderman  Charles  E.  Merriam,  May  18,  1914.  The 
resolution  was  as  follows: 

"Ordered  that  the  Mayor  be  and  is  hereby  authorized  and  directed 
to  appoint  a  committee  of  five  aldermen  for  the  purpose  of  investigat- 
ing and  reporting  to  this  Council  upon  the  frequency  of  murder, 
assault,  burglary,  robbery,  theft  and  like  crimes  in  Chicago;  upon 
the  official  disposition  of  such  cases;  upon  the  causes  of  the  prev- 
alence of  such  crimes;  and  upon  the  best  practical  methods  of 
preventing  these  crimes." 

In  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  foregoing  order  the  following  com- 
mittee was  appointed: 

Alderman  Merriam, 

Alderman  Nash, 

Alderman  Long, 

Alderman  Walkowiak, 

Alderman  Kerner. 

Alderman  Merriam  was  chosen  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  and  Ald- 
erman Kerner  was  made  the  Secretary. 

Morgan  L.  Davies  was  made  the  Attorney  for  the  Commission,  and  was 
assisted  in  the  investigation  by  Mr.  James  McKeag.  Mr.  Fletcher  Dobyns 
acted  as  Associate  Counsel  and  was  in  personal  charge  of  the  work  regarding 
pickpockets,  fences,  gambling  and  police  inefficiency.  The  statistical  work  of 
the  Commission  was  conducted  by  Miss  Edith  Abbott  of  the  Chicago  School 
of  Civics  and  Philanthrophy.  The  criminological  side  of  the  inquiry  was 
carried  on  by  Robert  H.  Gault,  Professor  of  Psychology  at  Northwestern 
University  and  editor  of  the  Journal  of  Criminal  Law  and  Criminology. 
He  was  assisted  in  this  work  by  Dr.  H.  C.  Stevens,  of  the  Psychopathic 
Laboratory  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 

Detailed  reports  were  presented  to  the  Committee  by  the  experts  em- 
ployed and  hearings  were  held  at  which  the  subjects  discussed  in  these 
reports  were  considered.  At  the  sessions  of  the  Committee  extended  testi- 
mony was  given  by  judges,  members  of  the  police  force,  experts  on  charitable 
and  correctional  work,  police  work  and  others. 

This  report  embodies  the  reports  made  to  the  Commission  by  experts  in 
charge  of  special  investigations,  the  findings  of  the  Commission,  and  the 
recommendations  for  action,  based  upon  the  investigation.  The  general  out- 
line of  the  report  is  as  follows: 

L     Summary  of  findings  of  the  Commission. 
n.     Summary  of  the  recommendations  of  the  Commission. 

in.     Report  of  Miss   Edith  Abbott,  on  criminal   statistics. 

IV.     Report  of  Professor  Robert  H.  Gault  on  the  underlying  causes  of 
crime,  and  the  practical  methods  of  preventing  crime. 
V.     Report    of    Messrs.    Davies    and    Dobyns,    giving   a    description    and 
anaylsis  of  criminal  conditions. 


INTRODUCTION  AND  SUMMARY 

SUMMARY  OF  FINDINGS 


The  treatment  of  crime  in  Chicago  is  wholly  inadequate  in  that: 

1.  Many  professional  criminals  escape  the  penalties  of  the  law  and  prey 
at  will  upon  society. 

2.  Poor  and  petty  criminals  are  often  punished  more  heavily  than  is  just. 

3.  The  treatment  of  those  sentenced  to  penal  institutions  is  pitifully 
ineffective. 

4.  Practical  methods  of  preventing  crime  are  not  applied  as  extensively 
as  experience  warrants  and  demands. 

The  technique  of  man-hunting,  the  process  of  prosecuting,  the  care  of  the 
"caged  man,"  and  the  means  of  preventing  the  creation  of  criminals  are  far 
below  standards  already  in  practical  operation  elsewhere. 

(. 

1.  The  police  and  criminal  judicial  statistics  in  Chicago  are  wholly  in- 
complete and  are  not  even  assembled  or  published  by  any  authority. 

2.  The  list  of  "criminal  complaints,"  complaints  of  crimes  to  the  police, 
has  not  been  open  to  the  public,  but  regarded  as  a  private  police  af?air.  (Pub- 
licity has  recently  been  given  to  certain  of  these  complaints  as  a  result  of  the 
work  of  this  Committee.) 

3.  The  amount  of  crime  in  Chicago  is  rapidly  increasing.  Total  number 
of  arrests: 

1905 82,472 

1909 70,375 

1913 109,764 

The  total  number  of  criminal  complaints  (felonies)  in 

1905 11,732 

1909 10,697 

1913 14,340 

Arrests  or  arraignments  for  murder,  burglary  and  robbery: 

Murder         Robbery         Burglary 

Chicago,  1913    262  1,022  1,041 

New  York,  1913  131  928  1,755 

London,  1913 36  78  1,129 

4.  There  were  in  1913,  14,340  criminal  complaints,  as  follows:  (From 
police  classification.) 

Robbery 1,389 

Larceny 5,375 

Burglary 6.534 

Other 1.042 

5.  Fifty-seven  and  seven-tenths  per  cent  of  the  men  arrested  and  61.5% 
of  all  women  arrested  are  under  thirty  years  of  age. 

6.  Of  those  arrested  64.7%  are  native  Americans,  and  35.3  %  foreign  born, 
the  relative  percentage  of  population  being  53.2%  and  46.8%.  (Population 
over  15  years  of  age  taken  as  basis.) 

7.  Thousands  of  innocent  persons  are  annually  imprisoned  in  the  County 
Jail,  many  of  them  under  disgraceful  conditions,  tending  to  create  criminals. 

8.  The  present  machinery  catches  poor,  petty  and  occasional  criminals, 
and  punishes  them  severely,  but  fails  signally  to  suppress  the  professional 
criminal. 


10  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

9.  There  were  in  1913,  109,764  arrests  and  58,532  persons  discharged,  on 
first  hearing.  Of  121,333  cases  disposed  of  in  the  Municipal  Court,  57.5% 
were  discharged. 

10.  Of  7,342  felony  "cases,"  in  1913,  there  were  932  convictions,  773  given 
a  term,  of  which  208  were  penitentiary  or  reformatory  sentences. 

11.  Of  the  14,709  persons  sentenced  to  the  House  of  Correction,  5,214  or 
35.4%  admitted  having  served  a  previous  term,  1,545  or  10.5%  five  terms,  453 
or  3.1%  ten  terms,  18  fifty  terms,  six  101  terms  or  over,  and  one  301  terms. 

12.  Nine-tenths  of  those  arrested  in  Chicago  are  men. 

13.  Over  80%  of  those  committed  to  the  Bridewell  are  sent  for  non- 
payment of  fines.  Thirty-five  per  cent  are  sent  for  the  non-payment  of 
fines  of  less  than  $15,  and  19%  for  fines  of  $15  to  $20— a  total  of  56%  for  fines 
of  less  than  $20. 

II. 

1.  There  are  in  Chicago  a  large  number  of  "hang-outs"  which  are  the 
meeting  places  of  well-known  professional  criminals.  The  Committee  found 
100  of  these,  most  of  which  were  saloons  and  pool  rooms,  without  exhausting 
the  list  of  them.  In  a  number  of  instances  these  hang-outs  are  conducted  by 
men  with  criminal  records. 

2.  There  were  in  Chicago  at  the  time  of  the  investigation  a  large  number 
of  professional  criminals,  of  whom  the  Committee  has  located  about  five 
hundred.  This  list  incUtdes  pickpockets,  burglars,  holdup  men,  confidence 
men,  gamblers,  pimps,  safe-blowers,  shoplifters,  and  all  around  crooks.  Most 
of  the  burglary,  robbery  and  larceny  is  committed  by  them. 

3.  Professional  criminals  have  built  up  a  system  which  may  be  called  a 
"crime  trust,"  with  roots  running  through  the  police  force,  the  bar,  the  bonds- 
men, the  prosecutor's  office,  and  political  officials. 

4.  We  find  the  business  of  theft  in  Chicago  highly  organized.  There  is 
a  large  number  of  "fences"  where  stolen  goods  may  be  readily  sold.  Of  these, 
the  Committee  has  located  thirty-nine.  The  burglars'  trust  has  its  whole- 
salers, its  jobbers,  and  its  retailers,  its  interurban  and  interstate  branches. 
Six  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-four  burglaries  were  reported  for  1913, 
and  five  thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy-five  cases  of  larceny.  The  value 
of  property  stolen  reaches  millions  of  dollars.  The  greater  part  of  the  steal- 
ing in   Chicago  is   done  by  organized  thieves. 

5.  We  find  collusion  between  members  of  the  detective  force  and  profes- 
sional criminals.  Graft,  favoritism,  and  political  influence  tend  strongly 
toward  a  demoralization  of  the  police  force,  and  particularly  the  detective 
branch  of  the  service. 

6.  We  find  a  close  connection  between  alcoholism,  "dope,"  prostitution, 
gambling,  and  crime. 

7.  Certain  professional  bondsmen  not  only  supply  a  bond,  but  serve  as 
general  "fixers." 

8.  There  is  a  group  of  criminal  lawyers  whose  work  includes  dealing  with 
the  police,  furnishing  professional  alibis  and  professional  witnesses,  jury  fixing, 
spiriting  away  of  witnesses,  exhaustive  continuances,  and  all  the  underground 
activtity  of  all  around  "fixers". 

9.  Appointments  in  the  oiSce  of  City  Prosecutor  and  State's  Attorney  are 
made  on  a  political  basis;  hence  the  permanent  employment  of  expert  prose- 
cutors is  made  impossible. 


;'  INTRODUCTION  AND  SUMMARY  11 

III. 
Police  organization  and  methods  are  wholly  inadequate  to  deal  with  the 
crime  situation  in  Chicago,  assuming  the  integrity  of  all  members  of  the  force. 
Incompetence,  lack  of  discipline,  and  aggressiveness  are  noticeable  on  a  large 
scale.     These  may  be  summed  up  under  the  following  heads: 

a.  Lack  of  adequate  publicity  regarding  police  statistics. 

b.  Lack  of  follow-up  system  for  criminal  complaints. 

c.  Lack  of  effective  supervision  of  patrolmen. 

d.  Lack  of  effective  direction  of  detective  work. 

e.  Lack  of  discipline  and  aggressiveness. 

1.  Failure  of  patrolmen  to  cover  night  beats  seriously  cripples  the  pro- 
tection of  persons  and  property. 

2.  Detective  sergeants  are  not  required  to  make  adequate  and  detailed 
reports  of  their  work. 

3.  The  first  need  of  the  force  is  the  more  effective  use  of  those  now 
available  rather  than  an  increase  of  the  force. 

4.  Sanitary  conditions  in  many  of  the  police  stations  are  intolerable. 

5.  No  adequate  provision  is  made  for  the  defense  of  poor  persons,  charged 
with  crime,  and  as  a  result,  serious  injustice  is  often  done. 

6.  No  provision  is  made  for  official  interpreters,  and  consequently,  the 
guilty  sometimes  escape  and  the  innocent  are  punished  because  of  ignorance 
of  the  language. 

IV. 

1.  Many  criminals  suffer  from  serious  physical  and  mental  disorders,  and 
require  hospital  treatment  rather  than  ordinary  imprisonment. 

2.  Examination  of  Juvenile  delinquents  at  John  Worthy  School  shows 
many  suffer  from  profound  disorders  of  the  nervous  system,  and  cannot  be 
reclaimed  under  methods  now  in  vogue.  41%  of  the  boys  examined  were 
mentally  retarded,  and  many  others  suffer  from  grave  physical  defects. 

3.  Study  of  delinquents  in  Juvenile  Court  shows  that  cause  of  delinquency, 
in  many  "normal"  cases,  was  environmental;  47%  of  this  group  "making 
good."  Of  "subnormal"  cases  under  present  methods,  relatively  few  are 
reclaimed. 

4.  No  adequate  provision  is  made  for  assistance  of  boys  from  St.  Charles 
School.     Hence  many  boys  are  re-arrested  and  brought  back. 

5.  St.  Charles  School,  with  one  thousand  boys  on  parole,  one-half  from 
Chicago,  has  one  parole  officer  to  care  for  them. 

6.  The  Psychopathic  Laboratory  renders  indispensible  service  in  diagnos- 
ing cases  and  indicating  treatment  of  defective   delinquents. 

7.  Many  insane  persons  are  committed  to  and  serve  sentences  in  the 
House  of  Correction.  132  such  cases  were  discovered  between  January  1, 
1914,  and  August  20,  1914. 

8.  Of  126  women  examined  in  the  House  of  Correction  there  were 
found:      Number.  Mental  Age. 

1 between  5  and  6  years 

1 between  6  and  7  years 

5 between  7  and  8  years 

8 between  8  and  9  years 

32 between  9  and  10  years 

29 between  10  and  11  years 

36 between  11  and  12  years 

12 between  12  and  13  years 

2 between  13  and  14  years 


12  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

9.  The  working  of  the  adult  probation  law  is  seriously  hindered  by  the 
legal  limitation  of  the  number  of  probation  officers  to  20,  who  have  charge 
of  about  5,000  cases  arising  annually.  The  inevitable  result  is  failure  to  in- 
vestigate thoroughly  and  to  provide  proper  supervision  for  those  paroled. 
With  adequate  facilities  for  supervision,  the  work  of  this  office  would  be  of 
immense  value  in  preventing  first  offenders  from  becoming  professional 
criminals. 

10.  Of  700  boys  sent  to  the  Boys'  Court  and  examined  in  the  Psycho- 
pathic Laboratory  during  the  first  six  weeks,  84%  were  found  mentajly  de- 
ficient.    No  adequate  provision  is  made  for  the  care  of  such  cases. 

11.  Adequate  facilities  for  vocational  guidance  and  training  would  pre- 
vent much  delinquency,  and  vocational  guidance  with  employment  would  re- 
claim  much   more. 

12.  Professional  criminals  are  recruited  from  the  ranks  of  the  delinquent 
boy,  but  no  adequate  means  of  treatment  for  such  boys  is  available. 

13.  The  chief  causes  of  crime  are": 

(a)  The  defective  physical  and  mental  (psychological)  condition  of 
the  individual,  as  nervous  disorders,  infection,  psychosis,  and  feeble- 
mindedness. 

(b)  Defective  environment:  the  home,  the  school,  regularity  of  em- 
ployment, and  poverty. 

14.  The  pressure  of  economic  conditions  has  an  enormous  influence  in 
producing  certain  types  of  crime.  Unsanitary  housing  and  working  condi- 
tions, unemployment,  wages  inadequate  to  maintain  a  human  standard  of 
living,  inevitably  produce  the  crushed  or  distorted  bodies  and  minds  from 
which  the  army  of  crime  is  recruited.  The  crime  problem  is  not  merely  a 
question  of  police  and  courts,  it  leads  to  the  broader  problems  of  public  sani- 
tation, education,  home  care,  a  living  wage,  and  industrial  democracy. 


INTRODUCTION  AND  SUMMARY  13 

SUMMARY  OF  RECOMMENDATIONS 


I. 

1.  That  the  licenses  of  known  criminal  "hangouts"  be  revoked  and  that 
they  should  not  be  restored  either  to  the  same  person  or  the  same  place. 

2.  That  professional  criminals  be  arrested  and  convicted  under  the  state 
vagrancy  law  in  accordance  with  the  plan  submitted  by  this  Committee. 

3.  That  the  record  of  all  applicants  for  saloon  and  pool  room  licenses 
in  precincts  where  the  crime  rate  is  unusually  high  be  scrutinized  with  ex- 
treme care  in  order  to  prevent  the  issuance  of  a  license  to  a  person  with  a 
criminal  record.  On  the  petition  of  six  citizens  it  should  be  the  duty  of  the 
Second  Deputy  Superintendent  of  Police  to  make  an  investigation  and  report. 

4.  That  lists  of  criminal  complaints,  including  robbery,  burglary  and 
larceny,  be  reported  monthly  to  the  City  Council,  classified  according  to  the 
character  of  the  complaint  and  the  police  precinct;  that  the  total  number  of 
all  criminal  complaints  be  likewise  reported,  and  that  these  facts  be  published 
in  pamphlet  form;  and  that  the  disposition  of  cases  be  likewise  reported 
monthly  and  published. 

5.  That  the  General  Superintendent  of  Police,  the  Civil  Service  Commis- 
sion and  the  State's  Attorney  co-operate  in  a  persistent  and  systematic  effort 
to  eliminate  collusion  between  police  officials  and  criminals. 

6.  That  the  Civil  Service  Commission  report  to  the  City  Council  at  once 
and  thereafter  annually  a  list  of  police  officers  discharged  and  reinstated,  with 
the  cause  of  discharge  and  the  reason  for  reinstatement. 

7.  That  a  systematic  method  be  made  to  locate  "fences,"  in  the  manner 
employed  by  the  Committee,  or  other  adequate  method. 

8.  That  an  efficiency  system  for  police  officials  be  installed  to  the  end 
that  promotions  may  be  made  on  the  basis  of  definite  ascertained  merit. 

9.  That  present  police  methods  be  thoroughly  overhauled  and  improved 
types  be  adopted  and  installed  under  expert  supervision,  with  especial  atten- 
tion to  records  and  filing  systems,  detective  work,  training  and  supervision 
of  officers  and  the  best  type  of  patrol  system. 

10.  That  crime  maps  be  prepared  by  the  police  department  showing  the 
various  classes  of  crime  by  precincts  and  kept  up  in  such  a  way  that  any 
increase  in  crime  may  be  immediately  indicated  and  that  prompt  investigation 
may  be  made  and  action  taken. 

11.  That  adequate  daily  reports  of  work  be  made  by  detective  sergeants 
in  the  manner  outlined  before  this  Committee. 

12.  That  measures  be  taken  to  prevent  "friendly  pulls"  by  local  operators 
either  by  providing  that  patrolmen's  pulls  be  made  directly  to  a  central  bu- 
reau or  by  other  adequate  means. 

13.  That  the  vice  reports  made  to  the  General  Superintendent  by  the 
Second  Deputy's  office  be  made  public  monthly,  as  a  check  on  the  local  com- 
manding officers. 

14.  That  police  officers  be  given  instruction  in  the  nature  and  value  of 
evidence,  and  that  evidence  be  reviewed  by  the  commanding  officer  before 
presentation. 

15.  That  captains  should  make  written  reports  to  the  chief  in  all  cases 
where  warrants  are  refused  by  the  court. 


14  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

16.  That  the  Municipal  Court  and  the  Criminal  Court  investigate  the 
activities  of  professional   bondsmen  with   special   reference  to: 

1.  The    number    of    times    any    person    appears    on    bonds    within    a 

period  of  six  months. 

2.  The  character  of  the  charge  and  the  record  of  the  defendant. 

3.  The  amount  of  bond  already  given  by  the  bondsman. 

4.  The  political  connections,  if  any,  of  the  bondsman;  and  that  lists 

of    bondsmen    appearing   more    than    once    during   a    six-month 
period  be  published  every  six  months. 

17.  That  the  Bar  Association  of  Chicago  investigate  the  disreputable 
practices  of  certain  criminal  lawyers  and  secure  their  disbarment,  if  possible. 

18.  That  the  State's  Attorney  endeavor  to  secure  the  evidence  of  and 
conviction  for  conspiracy  to  obstruct  the  administration  of  justice  on  the  part 
of   certain   attorneys   and   certain   groups   of  pickpockets   and   other   criminals. 

19.  That  the  State's  Attorney  and  the  Municipal  Court  co-operate  more 
closely  in  dealing  with  cases  held  to  the  Grand  Jury  after  preliminary  hearing 
in  the  Municipal  Court. 

20.  That  a  joint  commission  be  appointed  by  the  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Municipal  Court  and  the  presiding  judge  of  the  Criminal  Court  for  the  pur- 
pose of  studying  the  criminal  practice  and  procedure  in  the  courts  of  Chicago 
and  recommending  necessary  changes  in  methods  or  in  law  for  the  better 
administration  of  justice;  that  such  an  inquiry  should  include  among  other 
things  the  study  of: 

1.  An    improved    system   of   criminal    statistics. 

2.  Actual  methods  and  practices  in  police  courts. 

3.  Actual  methods  and  practices  in   Criminal  Courts. 

4.  Methods  in  office  of  City  Prosecutor  and  State's  Attorney. 

5.  Necessary    changes    in    criminal    law    and    procedure    and    drafts 

of  the  same. 

6.  Operation  of  the  parole  and  probation  systems. 

7.  Creation   of  a  consolidated   court  of   Chicago. 

8.  Improved  methods  of  electing  judges. 

21.  That  the  bond  issue  of  $1,199,000  for  the  construction  of  additional 
police  stations  be  ratified  in  the  interest  of  the  health  and  well-being  of  the 
police  force  and  of  those  detained  in  the  stations. 

22.  That  the  state  law  be  amended  to  provide  that  the  minor  positions 
in  the  State's  Attorney's  ofifice  be  placed  under  the  merit  system. 

23.  That  a  central  bureau  of  oflficial  interpreters  be  established  for  use  in 
stations  where  there  is  greatest  need  for  such  an  agency. 

24.  That  provision  be  made  for  a  police  attorney  not  active  in  any 
political  party  or  faction,  and  that  he  should  not  engage  in  outside  practice. 

25.  That  the  general  fining  system  be  so  modified  either  by  legislation 
or  court  rule  as  to  provide  for: 

1.  Payment  of  fines  on  the  installment  plan. 

2.  Committment  to  an  appropriate  institution  in  place  of  fine  where 

where  such  committment  is  necessary. 

26.  That  payment  be  made  out  of  earnings  of  prisoners  to  their  families. 

27.  That  the  state  law  be  so  amended  as  to  change  the  fining  system  for 
prostitutes  to  a  sentence  of  committment  to  an  appropriate  institution. 


INTRODUCTION  AND  SUMMARY  IS 

II. 

1.  That  a  farm  colony  be  established  by  the  city  in  connection  with  the 
work  of  the  House  of  Correction;  and  that  .necessary  funds  for  that  purpose 
be   voted. 

2.  That  the   facilities  of  the  Psychopathic  Laboratory  be  increased, 

3.  That  a  House  of  Shelter  be  constructed  in  connection  with  the  present 
Bridewell,  to  be  located  outside  the  city;  and  that  necessary  funds  for  that 
purpose  be  voted. 

4.  That  the  present  inadequate  County  Jail  be  replaced  by  an  institution 
corresponding  to  modern  ideas  of  the  humane  treatment  of  criminals. 

5.  That  the  office  of  Public  Defender  be  established  in  connection  with 
the  Criminal  Court  of  Cook  County  as  a  means  of  securing  justice  to  those 
unable  to  secure  adequate  counsel. 

6.  That  a  physician  be  employed  permanently  at  the  House  of  Correction 
to  carry  on  medical  work  of  the  character  performed  for  this  Committee  by 
Dr.  Stevens. 

7.  That  prisoners  who  are  addicted  to  the  drug  habit  and  now  sent  to 
the  House  of  Correction  be  segregated  in  farm  colonies  or  treated  in  hospitals 
until  cured. 

8.  That  an  amendment  to  Chapter  85,  Section  32,  of  the  Illinois  Revised 
Statutes  (1913)  be  enacted  so  that  the  medical  staff  at  the  House  of  Correction 
would  have  the  same  authority  as  the  state  penitentiary  physicians  now  have 
in    regard   to   committing  insane   persons   to   an   insane   asylum. 

9.  That  a  farm  colony  be  established  by  the  state  for  the  care  of  insane 
prisoners. 

10.  That  the  following  criteria  of  fitness  be  employed  in  selecting  sub- 
jects for  adult  probation: 

(1)  Habits  of  industry;  (2)  abstention  from  alcohol  and  drugs,  or  at 
least  habitual  temperance;  (3)  mental  normality;  (4)  physical  health  of  a 
sufficient  degree  to  enable  the  probationer  to  engage  successfully  in  his  occu- 
pation; (a)  negative  Wasserman  reaction  and  other  evidence  of  freedom  from 
all  dangerous  infections;  (5)  proof  of  employment  which  can  be  undertaken 
at  once  at  a  living  wage;  (6)  possession  of  friends  of  good  character  who  will 
co-operate  with  the  officer  in  keeping  in  touch  with  the  probationer;  (7)  proof 
of  first  oflfense,  unless  on  the  other  points  the  offender  has  exceptionally 
strong  recommendations;  and  that  a  psychopathic  and  medical  laboratory  be 
employed  to  assist  the  court  in  making  the  selection  of  probationers. 

11.  That  those  denied  probation  because  of  physical  and  mental  de- 
fects be   given   institutional  care  until  cured. 

12.  That  the  state  law  limiting  the  number  of  probation  officers  to  20 
be  so  amended  as  to  remove  this  limit;  and  that  a  preliminary  investigation 
be  made  by  the  probation  officer  of  each  applicant  for  probation,  and  that 
probation  officers  be  selected  on  a  civil  service  basis. 

13.  That  the  state  authorities  take  steps  to  provide  suitable  institutions 
for  the  segregation  of  feeble-minded  children  in  addition  to  that  at  Lincoln. 

14.  That  a  new  institution  on  the  farm  colony  plan,  which  will  provide 
a  permanent  home  and  suitable  industrial  training  and  occupation  for  feeble- 
minded persons  of  all  ages,  be  established;  that  the  present  state  law  be  so 
amended  as  to  remove  the  age  limit  for  admission  to  institutions  for  the  feeble- 
minded; and  that  it  be  further  amended  so  as  to  provide  for  the  committment 


16  REPORT   OF  CRIME  COMMITTEE 

of  defective  delinquents  both  to  the  Lincoln  State  School  and  Colony  and  to 
the  proposed  new  institution. 

15.  That  farm  colonies  and  hospitals  recommended  in  this  report  relating 
to  the  treatment  of  mentally  alienated  and  otherwise  abnormal  adult  prisoners, 
be  supplemented  by  places  of  detention  for  repeated  juvenile  delinquents. 
Such  places  of  detention  should  be  farm  colonies,  maintained  by  the  State 
of  Illinois. 

16.  That  the  Juvenile  Court  made  definite  provision  for  following  up  and 
assisting  Chicago  boys  subsequent  to  their  parole  from  St.  Charles;  and  to 
this  end  that  the  number  of  parole  officers  be  increased. 

17.  That  the  Board  of  Education  enlarge  its  facilities  (a)  for  vocational 
education;  and  (b)  for  vocational  guidance;  and  that  the  system  of  part  time 
and  night  schools  in  the  city  be  extended,  and  that  juvenile  probationers  be 
required  to  attend  such  school  during  the  period  of  probation. 

18.  That  further  investigation  be  made  of  (a)  the  1,200  or  more  prison- 
ers in  the  House  of  Correction  who  have  been  committed  to  such  an  institu- 
tion either  in  this  city  or  elsewhere,  more  than  three  times;  (b)  the  history 
of  500  or  more  Chicago  boys  during  the  period  subsequent  to  the  date  of  their 
parole  from  St.  Charles;  and  (c)  the  history  of  Chicago  men  and  women 
during  the  period  subsequent  to  the  date  of  their  parole  from  the  penal  insti- 
tutions of  the  state. 


Statistics  Relating  to  Crime 
in  Chicago 


by 

MISS  EDITH  ABBOTT,  Ph.  D.,  CHICAGO  SCHOOL  OF  CIVICS 

AND  PHILANTHROPY 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  19 

Part  I 
ARREST  AND  TRIAL  OF  OFFENDERS 


In  the  following  report  an  attempt  is  made  to  bring  together  from  various 
sources  the  available  statistics,*  published  or  unpublished,  relating  to  the  sub- 
ject of  crime  in  Chicago,  that  is,  statistics  of  complaints  and  arrests,  trial  and 
disposition,  together  with  the  statistics  relating  to  the  social  status — age,  sex, 
nationality  and  occupation — of  the  persons  arrested.  Unfortunately,  there  is 
in  Illinois  no  central  bureau  of  criminal  statistics  through  which  statistics  from 
the  police  department,  the  courts,  the  jails,  prisons,  and  the  probation  depart- 
ment are  collected  and  correlated.  A  state  bureau  of  criminal  statistics  does 
exist  on  our  statute  books,  for,  by  a  law  approved  June  11,  1912,  the  State 
Charities  Commission  was  directed  to  establish  such  a  bureau  with  the  secre- 
tary of  the  Commission  as  director  in  charge.  This  proposed  bureau  was 
charged  with  the  duty  of  collecting  and  publishing  annually  the  statistics  of 
Illinois  relating  to  crime,  and  all  courts  of  Illinois,  police  magistrates,  justices 
of  the  peace,  clerks  of  all  courts  of  record,  sheriffs,  keepers  of  all  places  of 
detention  for  crime  or  misdemeanors  or  violations  of  the  criminal  statutes  are 
to  "furnish  said  bureau  annually  such  information  on  request  as  it  may  require 
in  compiling  such  statistics."  Up  to  the  present  time,  however,  owing  chiefly 
to  the  fact  that  no  appropriation  has  been  made  to  cover  the  expenses  of  this 
work,  no  steps  have  been  taken  by  the  executive  secretary  of  the  Commission 
towards  putting  this  law  into  effect.  Moreover,  there  has  never  been  in  Chi- 
cago any  attempt  at  an  annual  "stock-taking'  in  which  the  statistics  furnished 
by  the  various  departments  and  agencies  dealing  with  the  problem  of  crime 
might  be  brought  together  and  examined  with  the  hope  of  determining  how 
far  the  problem  is  being  adequately  met. 

In  the  following  report,  statistics  of  criminal  complaints  and  arrests  that 
are  furnished  by  the  police  department  will  be  first  dealt  with,  since  questions 
relating  to  the  extent  or  quantity  of  crime  and  the  number  of  persons  appre- 
hended are  usually  first  raised  in  any  discussion  of  the  subject. 

Following  this,  there  will  be  presented  statistics  from  the  courts  relating 
to  the  disposition   of  offenders  who  have   been   arrested,   statistics   from   the 
Adult  Probation  Office,  and,  finally,  statistics  relating  to  the  "social  status" 
of  those  arrested. 
Sec.  1.  Extent  of  Crime:   Criminal  Complaints  and  Arrests  on  Felony  Charges. 

The  amount  of  crime  in  any  community  is  a  subject  about  which  definite 
information  is  anxiously  sought.  Since,  however,  much  crime  is  undetected, 
it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  statistics  should  furnish  exact  information 
on  this  point.  There  should  be  available,  however,  statistics  showing  the 
number  of  crimes  known  to  the  authorities.  In  Chicago  the  number  of  seri- 
ous crimes  is  probably  best  indicated  by  the  number  of  "criminal  complaints" 
received  by  the  police.  Criminal  complaints  for  the  years  1905  to  1910,  inclu- 
sive, were  published  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  General  Superintendent  of 
Police  for  the  year  ending  December  31,  1910.  Since  1910,  no  statistics  of 
criminal   complaints  have   been   published,   but  unpublished   statistics   for   the 


*There  were  available  at  the  time  this  report  was  prepared  (autumn  of 
1914)  the  following  published  reports  containing  statistics  relating  to  crime  in 
Chicago. 

1.  Annual  Report  of  the  Police  Department,  City  of  Chicago.  (Last  pub- 
lished report,  for  the  year  ending  December  31,  1913.) 

2.  Annual  Report  of  the  Municipal  Court  of  Chicago.  (Last  published 
report,  for  the  year  ending  November  30,   1913.) 

3.  Annual  Report  of  the  Adult  Probation  Office,  Cook  County.  (Last 
published  report,  for  the  year  ending  September  30,  1913.) 

4.  Annual  Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  the  House  of  Correction, 
City  of  Chicago.  (Last  published  report,  for  the  year  ending  December  31, 
1910.) 

5.  There  were  also  available  the  Report  of  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Illinois  State  Penitentiary  at  Joliet,  and  the  Biennial  Report  of  the  Board  of 
Managers  of  the  Illinois  State  Reformatory  at  Pontiac.  These  reports,  how- 
ever, give  statistics  only  for  Illinois  and  not  for  Chicago  or  for  Cook  County. 


Criminal 

Complaints. 
Increase  or 

Date. 

Number. 

Decrease. 

1905 

11,732 

1906 

10,754 

—   978 

1907 

11,292 

+    538 

1908 

11,034 

—   258 

1909 

10,697 

—   337 

1910 

10,718 

+      21 

1911 

11,730 

+  1,012 

1912 

13,032 

+  1,302 

1913 

14,340 

+  1,308 

decrease. 

Complaints. 

Arrests. 

+    232 

—  8.3 

+   1.9 

—1,723 

+  5.0 

—13.9 

—    102 

—  2.3 

—    .9 

—   895 

—  3.1 

—  8.5 

—   280 

+     -2 

—  2.9 

+    505 

+  9.4 

+  5.4 

+    395 

+  11.1 

+  3.9 

+    927 

+  10.0 

+  9.0 

20  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

years  1910  to  1913  were  furnished  by  the  police  department.  These  statistics 
of  criminal  complaints  should,  of  course,  be  published  each  year;  they  are 
the  only  statistics  that  correspond  to  the  statistics  of  "Crimes  Known  to  the 
Police"  that  are,  for  example,  published  each  year  as  part  of  the  English 
Criminal  Judicial  Statistics.* 

The  following  table  shows  the  number  of  criminal  complaints  in  Chicago 
for  a  series  of  years  together  with  the  number  of  arrests  on  felony  charges: 
TABLE   1.     CRIMINAL  COMPLAINTS   AND   ARRESTS   (FELONY 
CHARGES):     1905-1913.** 

Arrests  Per  Cent 

(Felony  Charges).        Increase  or  Decrease. 
Increase  or 
Number. 
12,144 
12,376 
10,653 
10,551 
9,656 
9,376 
9,881 
10,276 
11,203 

This  table  shows  that  the  number  of  complaints  has  fluctuated,  decreasing 
in  1906,  increasing  in  1907,  decreasing  again  in  1908  and  1909,  remaining  almost 
stationary  in  1910,  and  increasing  noticeably  in  the  last  three  years.  The 
number  of  arrests  in  1913  represented  an  increase  of  927,  or  9  per  cent,  over 
1912,  a  larger  increase  than  has  occurred  in  any  other  year  during  the  period. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  consistent  relation 
between  the  number  of  complaints  and  the  number  of  arrests.  In  the  year 
1906,  for  example,  the  number  of  complaints  decreased  by  nearly  a  thousand 
and  the  arrests  during  the  same  year  increased  by  232.  In  the  following  year 
the  complaints  increased  by  more  than  five  hundred  and  the  arrests  decreased 
by  more  than  seventeen  hundred.  Both  complaints  and  arrests  have  increased 
in  the  last  three  years,  although  until  1913  the  percentage  increase  was  con- 
siderably greater   for  complaints   than   for   arrests. 

Sec.  2.     Increase  and  Decrease  in  Number  of  Arrests,  1900-1913. 
Not  only  the  arrests  for  felonies  but  the  arrests  on  all  charges  should  be 
examined.     Moreover,  while  the  number  of  arrests  in  any  one  year  is  signifi- 
cant, it  is  also  important  to  note  the  changes  in  the  number  of  arrests  from 
year  to  year.    The  next  table  shows  the  number  of  arrests  on  felony  and  mis- 
demeanor charges  from  1900  to  1913  and  the  increase  or  decrease  each  year: 
TABLE  2.     TOTAL   NUMBER   OF   ARRESTS    (FELONIES   AND   MIS- 
DEMEANORS):    1900-1913. 
(From  Annual   Reports  of  the   Police   Department.) 

Increase  or  Decrease  in  Total 
Total. 
69,089 
68,024 
68,858 
77,673 
79,006 
82,472 
91,553 
63,132 

**Statistics  for  arrests  are  from  the  published  annual  report  of  the  General 
Superintendent  of  Police.  It  should  be  explained  that  the  number  of  arrests 
simply  means  the  number  of  charges.  That  is,  one  person  may  be  charged 
with  several  different  ofifenses,  e.  g.,  burglary,  assault,  receiving  stolen  prop- 
erty, etc.  In  1913  there  were  109,764  ofifenses  charged  against  107,257  persons 
arraigned  in  the  Municipal  Court.  (See  Annual  Report  of  the  Department  of 
Police,  1913,  pp.  11  and  8.) 

*For  a  discussion  of  the  value  of  these  statistics  cf  criminal  complaints 
and  their  lack  of  availability  for  comparative  purposes,  see  Appendix  C. 


Year. 

Felonies. 

Misdemeanors, 

1900 

10,838 

58,251 

1901 

11,383 

56,641 

1902 

10,495 

58,363 

1903 

12,550 

65,123 

1904 

11,116 

67,890 

1905 

12,144 

70,328 

1906 

12,376 

79,177 

1907 

10,653 

52,479 

Number. 

Per  Cent, 

—  1,065 

—  l.S 

+      834 

+  1.2 

+  8,815 

-1-12.8 

+   1,323 

+  1.7 

+  3,466 

+  4.4 

+  9,081 

-fll.O 

—28,421 

—31.0 

STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  21 

Increase  or  Decrease  in  Total 
Year.         Felonies.      Misdemeanors.       Total.  Number.  Per  Cent. 

1908  10,551  57,669  68,220  +  5,088  +  8.1 

1909  9,656  60,719  70,375  +  2,155  +  3.2 

1910  9,376  71,893  81,269  +10,894  +15.5 

1911  9,881  74,959  84,840  +  3,571  +  4.4 

1912  10,276  76,674  86,950  +2,110  +  2.4 

1913  11,203  98,561  109,764  +22,814  +26.2 
This  table  shows  a  very  uneven  series  of  increases  and  decreases,  chiefly 

increases,  in  the  total  number  of  arrests.  The  number  decreased  slightly  in 
1901,  increased  slightly  in  1902,  increased  very  greatly  the  next  year,  increased 
slightly  the  two  following  years  (1904  and  1905),  increased  substantially  in 
1906,  and  then   decreased  greatly  in   1907. 

The  year  1907  was  the  first  year  following  the  establishment  of  the  new 
Municipal  Court,  and  there  may  be  some  relation  between  the  work  of  the 
court  and  the  marked  decline  in  the  total  number  of  arrests,  which  fell  from 
91,553  to  63,132,  or  31  per  cent,  in  a  single  year.  This  decrease  occurred  both 
in  the  number  of  arrests  for  felonies  and  arrests  for  misdemeanors,  though 
the  decline  in  the  number  of  arrests  for  felonies  was  not  so  great,  as  for  mis- 
demeanors.* However,  the  decrease  in  charges  did  not  continue.  There 
has  been  an  increase  each  year  from  1907  to  1913,  the  rate  of  increase  vary- 
ing from  2.4  per  cent  to  26.2  per  cent. 

Sec.  3.     Increase  in  Arrests  in  1913. 

Finally,  a  most  significant  fact  in  this  table  is  that  there  was  in  1913  the 
greatest  increase  in  arrests  that  has  occurred  in  any  single  year  in  the  entire 
period  from  1900  to  1913. 

There  was  in  the  year  1913  an  increase  over  the  year  1912  of  9.0  per  cent 
in  arrests  for  felonies,  an  increase  of  28.5  per  cent  in  arrests  for  misdemeanors 
and  an  increase  of  26.2  per  cent  in  the  total  number  of  arrests. 

Over  the  year  1911  the  arrests  for  1913  represent  an  increase  of  13.4 
per  cent  in  arrests  for  felonies,  of  31.5  per  cent  in  arrests  for  misdemeanors, 
and  29.4  per  cent  in  the  total  numbers  of  arrests. 

Over  the  year  1910,  the  arrests  for  1913  represent  an  increase  of  19.5  per 
cent  in  arrests  for  felonies,  37.1  per  cent  in  arrests  for  misdemeanors,  and  35.1 
per  cent  in  total  number  of  arrests.  The  table  below  summarizes  these  per- 
centages. 

TABLE  3.     PERCENTAGE   INCREASE   OF  ARRESTS   IN    1913   OVER 

1912,   1911,   1910. 
Percentage  increase  in  number  of  arrests  in  1913 
over  1910.     over  1911.     over  1912. 

Felonies   19.5  13.4  9.0 

Misdemeanors    37.1  31. S  28.5 

All  offenses    35.1  29.4  26.2 

Sec.  4.     Increase  in  Arrests  Compared  with  Increase  in  Population. 

An  increase  in  the  number  of  arrests  should,  of  course,  be  considered  in 
relation  to  the  increase  in  population  during  the  corresponding  period.  The 
following  table  shows  .the  number  of  arrests  to  every  10,000  people  in  the 
population  during  the  years  1880  and  1890,  and  the  period  1900  to  1913. 

TABLE  4.     ARRESTS  PER  10,000  POPULATION.** 
Year.  Felonies.  Misdemeanors.    '.  All  Offenses. 

1880   ....  486.4 

1890  ....  565.8 

1900   63.8  342.9  406.7 

1901    64.9  323.3  388.2 

1902   58.3  324.0  382.3 

1903   67.8  351.9  419.7 

1904  58.5  357.3  .415.8 

*It  is  important  to  note,  however,  that  in  the  preceding  year  (1906)  there 
had  been  an  increase  of  11  per  cent,  compared  with  2  and  4  per  cent  for  the 
two  years  immediately  preceding  1906. 

**The  population  for  1890,  1900  and  1910  is  taken  from  the  Federal  Census. 
For  the  other  years,  Chicago  population  estimates,  computed  as  of  July  1, 
have  been  furnished  by  the  Director  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  the 
Census. 


22  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

Year                                                      Felonies.  Misdemeanors.       All  Offenses. 

1905"  62.3  360.8  423.1 

ml ::::::::::::::: 61.9  396.2  458.1 

1907  52.0         256.3         308.5 

ioAQ  503         275.0         325.3 

^1^9 :"::::::::  45.0  282.9  327.9 

1910 :":::::::::::: 42.9  329.0  371.9 

1911  44.0  333.8  377.8 

19P   '      ■  44.8  334.1  378.9 

1913   47.8  420.5  468.3 

According  to  this  table  there  were  in  1880,  486.4  arrests  in  Chicago  for 
every  10,000  persons  in  the  population;  in  1890  this  had  increased  to  565.8  and 
in  1900  had  fallen  to  406.7  arrests  for  every  10,000  population;  in  1910  the  num- 
ber of  arrests  had  fallen  still  more  to  371.9  for  every  10,000  population.  Since 
1910,  however,  there  has  been  a  steady  increase  in  the  number  of  arrests  per 
10,000  population  and  this  increase  in  1913  was  so  substantial  that  the  number 
of  arrests  per  10,000  population  in  that  year  was  greater  not  only  than  the 
corresponding  number  for  1910,  but  greater  than  the  corresponding  number 
for  1900. 

Sec.  5.  Relation  Between  Number  of  Arrests  and  Number  of  Crimes. 
From  the  statistics  that  have  been  given,  it  appears  that  there  was  in  the 
year  1913  not  only  an  increase  in  the  number  of  criminal  complaints  per 
10,000  of  the  population,  but  there  was  also  in  this  year  an  unmistakably  large 
increase  in  the  number  of  arrests.  If  the  number  of  arrests  indicates  the 
extent  of  crime,  then  there  was  obviously  a  very  marked  increase  in  crime  in 
the  year  1913.  If  the  figures  as  to  the  relation  between  arrests  and  population 
are  to  be  trusted,  the  year  1913  would  popularly  be  called  a  serious  "crime 
year"  that  put  our  crime-rate  back  more  than  a  decade.  It  is  very  important 
therefore  to  note  that  the  number  of  arrests  is  not  synonymous  with  number 
of  crimes,  among  other  reasons  because  (1)  a  large  number  of  persons  may 
be  arrested  for  complicity  in  a  single  crime;  (2)  many  innocent  persons  are 
arrested  through  misapprehension  and  later  discharged;  and  (3)  the  vast 
majority  of  arrests  are  for  petty  offenses  that  are  not  serious  enough  to  be 
called  "crimes"  at  all.  Some  consideration  should  be  given  to  the  question 
of  "new  crimes."  When  laws  are  passed  creating  new  offenses,  there  may 
be  an  increase  in  arrests  without  any  corresponding  increase  in  criminality. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  the  new  offenses  are  chiefly  those  involving 
misdemeanors  and  violations  of  ordinances.  New  felonies  are  rarely  created. 
In  Chicago  the  police  classification  does,  however,  include  two  new  offenses 
improperly  classed  as  felonies,  "contributing  to  delinquency,"  and  "pander- 
ing.* The  latter  is  so  unimportant  numerically  that  it  may  be  disre- 
garded. Offenses  involving  violations  of  laws  relating  to  motor  vehicles  might 
be  considered  "new  offenses"  in  comparing  1890  and  1900  with  1910,  but  they 
are  not  new  offenses  in  comparing  1910  with  1913.  Violations  of  the  factory 
laws,  violations  of  the  compulsory  education  laws,  and  some  similar  offenses 
are  not  important  enough  numerically  to  have  much  weight  in  the  total  of 
nearly  110,000  offenses. 

Sec.  6.     Small  Per  Cent  of  Arrests  for  Serious  Offenses. 

The  most  important  point,  however,  regarding  the  relation  between  "ar- 
rests" and  "crimes"  is  the  fact  that  the  great  majority  of  arrests  are  not  for 
"crimes"  at  all  in  the  sense  that  most  people  understand  the  word  "crime;" 
on  the  contrary,  the  great  majority  of  offenses  are  for  violations  of  city  ordi- 
nances and  for  misdemeanors,  and  many,  if  not  most,  of  them  are  for  relatively 
petty  offenses.  The  following  table,  for  example,  shows  for  a  series  of  years 
the  percentage  of  the  total  number  of  arrests  that  were  made  on  felony  charges. 

*These  offenses  are  not  classified  as  "felonies"  in  the  Municipal  Court 
report.  An  attempt  was  made  to  ascertain  why  the  police  department  classed 
them  as  felonies,  but  no  explanation  was  given  except  that  "they  had  been 
started  that  way." 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO 


23 


TABLE   5.     ARRESTS   FOR   FELONIES   IN    RELATION   TO   TOTAL 

NUMBER   OF  ARRESTS. 

Arrests 

(All  Offenses). 

69,089 

68,024 

68,858 

79,006 
82,472 
91,553 
63,132 
68,220 
70,375 
81,269 
84,840 
86,950 
109,764 


Arrests 

for  Felonies. 

Number. 

Per 

Cent  of  Total, 

10,838 

15.7 

11,383 

16.7 

10.495 

15.2 

12,550 

16.2 

11,116 

14.1 

12,144 

14.7 

12,376 

13.5 

10,653 

16.9 

10,551 

15.5 

9,656 

13.7 

9,376 

11.5 

9,881 

11.6 

10,276 

11.8 

11,203 

10.2 

1900 
1901 
1902 
1903 
1904 
1905 
1906 
1907 
1908 
1909 
1910 
1911 
1912 
1913 

In  1900,  15.7  per  cent  of  all  the  arrests  were  for  felonies,  and  from  1900 
through  the  year  1908,  the  per  cent  of  felonies  ranged  from  13.5  per  cent  to 
16.9  per  cent.  In  the  last  four  years,  however,  the  per  cent  of  arrests  on  felony 
charges  has  shown  a  decrease  over  the  earlier  years,  and  in  1913  the  arrests 
for  felonies  were  only  10.2  per  cent  of  the  total. 

It  seems  important  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  table  of  arrests  shows 
that  out  of  the  109,764  offenses  charged  against  persons  arrested  in  1913,  only 
11,203  or  10.2  per  cent  were  really  for  "crimes,"  if  we  use  the  word  crime  to 
mean  felony.  Another  point  that  should  not  be  overlooked  with  regard  to  the 
relation  between  number  of  arrests  and  number  of  crimes  is  the  fact  that  an 
increase  in  the  number  of  arrests  may  indicate  merely  a  change  in  policy  on 
the  part  of  the  state's  attorney  or  of  the  police  department  and  a  sudden  de- 
cision to  arrest  for  certain  types  of  offenses  that  had  hitherto  been  overlooked. 
Or  the  increase  in  arrests  may  be  due  to  changes  in  the  police  force  leading 
to  greater  success  in  the  apprehension  of  offenders.  That  is,  instead  of  an 
increase  in  crime  the  increase  in  arrests  may  merely  indicate  greater  activity 
on  the  part  of  the  police,  due  to  whatever  cause;  or  as  has  been  pointed  out, 
this  may,  of  course,  be  merely  pseudo-activity  resulting  in  the  arrest  of  large 
numbers  of  innocent  persons. 

Sec.  7.     Relation  Between  Arrests  and  Convictions,   1900-1913. 

Statistics  are  available,  however,  showing  that  there  was  in  1913  not  only 
a  very  substantial  increase  in  the  number  of  those  arrested  but  that  there  was 
also  a  noticeable  increase  in  the  number  of  persons  convicted  and  held  to  the 
Criminal  Court.  In  the  annual  report  of  the  Chief  of  Police  the  disposition 
of  cases  in  the  Municipal  Court  is  given  each  year.  The  followng  table  shows 
the  total  number  of  cases  disposed  of,  the  total  number  discharged  each  year, 
and  those  held  to  the  Criminal  Court,  fined,  sentenced  and  otherwise  disposed 
of.  The  number  convicted  per  10,000  population  has  been  computed,  but  it 
should  be  emphasized  that  grouped  together  as  "convicted"  are  all  cases  that 
are  not  discharged.  Some  of  these  are  only  held  for  trial  in  the  Criminal 
Court  and  a  few  are  disposed  of  in  other  ways. 

TABLE   6.  DISPOSITION    OF    CASES    IN    MUNICIPAL    COURT. 

1900-1913.* 


Number  Con- 

tPer Cent 

victed,  "Held" 

Total  No. 

of  Total 

and  Otherwise 

Cases 

Convicted 

No.  of  Cases 

Disposed  of  Per 

Year 

Disposed  Of 

Discharged 

Etc. 

Convicted,  Etc. 

10,000  Population 

1900 

69,124 

45,247 

23,877 

34.5 

140.6 

1901 

67,452 

40,318 

27,134 

40.2 

154.9 

1902 

68,530 

41,693 

26,837 

39.2 

148.9 

*  Statistics  compiled  from  the  annual  reports  of  the  police  department. 
Juvenile  cases  have  been  excluded.  In  a  few  of  the  annual  reports  the  total 
number  of  cases  disposed  of  did  not  agree  with  the  total  number  of  charges. 
This  discrepancy,  however,  was  slight  in  every  case. 

flncludes  all  those  convicted,  held  to  the  Criminal  Court,  and  "otherwise 
disposed  of." 


24 


i^ IMPORT   OF  CRIME   COMMITTEE 


Total  No. 
Cases 

Convicted 

Year 

Disposed  Of 

Discharged 

Etc. 

1903 

75,121 

46,597 

28,524 

1904 

77,468 

43.045 

34,423 

1905 

78,662 

50,436 

28,226 

1906 

87,369 

59,706 

27,663 

1907 

60,181 

29,867 

30,314 

1908 

67,431 

35,593 

31,838 

1909 

70,809 

39,000 

31,809 

1910 

80,238 

44,286 

35,952 

1911 

84,537 

49,034 

35,503 

1912 

85,357 

51,978 

33,379 

1913 

109,711 

58,532 

51,179 

Per  Cent 

of  Total 

No.  of  Cases 

Convicted,  Etc. 

37.9 

44.4 
35.9 
31.7 
50.4 
47.2 
44.9 
44.8 
41.9 
39.1 
46.6 


Number  Con- 
victed, "Held" 
and  Otherwise 
Disposed  of  Per 
10,000  Population 

154.1 

181.2 
144.8 
138.4 
148.0 
151.8 
148.2 
164.5 
158.1 
145.5 
218.3 


This  table  shows  that  along  with  the  increase  in  arrests  there  was  in  1913 
a  very  substantial  increase  in  the  number  of  convictions.  Of  the  total  number 
of  cases  disposed  of  in  1913,  46.6  per  cent  were  convicted  and  held  for  trial, 
in  contrast  to  39.1  per  cent  in  1912,  and  41.9  per  cent  in  1911.  In  1912,  33,379 
persons  were  convicted  or  held  for  trial,  but  in  1913  the  number  of  convictions 
had  risen  from  33,379  to  51,179,  an  increase  of  53.3  per  cent,  in  contrast  to  a 
decrease  of  5.9  per  cent  from  1911  to  1912  and  of  1.2  per  cent  between  1910 
and  1911.  There  was  a  marked  increase  in  the  number  of  persons  convicted 
and  held  for  trial  out  of  every  10,000  persons  in  the  population.  The  number 
of  convictions  rose  from  158.1  per  10,000  population  in  1911  and  145.5  per 
10,000  population  in  1912  to  218.3  per   10,000  population   in   1913. 

There  are,  moreover,  other  statistics  available  showing  that  along  with 
the  increase  in  the  number  of  arrests  there  has  been  an  increase  in  cases  held 
and  convicted.  In  the  first  place  there  are  published  reports  of  the  Municipal 
Court,  which  show  (1)  the  largest  number  of  cases  held  to  the  Grand  Jury  in 
any  year  since  1908;  (2)  an  increase  in  the  number  of  convictions  for  misde- 
meanors (criminal  cases)  and  for  violations  of  ordinances  (quasi-criminal 
cases)  in  1913;  and  (3)  an  increase  during  the  year  in  the  number  of  persons 
sentenced  to  imprisonment  by  the  Municipal  Court. 

There  are  also  available  some  unpublished  statistics  from  the  Criminal 
Court  that  indicate  that  the  increase  in  arrests  probably  had  a  legitimate  basis. 
These  are:  (l)Statistics  showing  an  increase  in  the  number  of  cases  heard 
by  the  Grand  Jury  in  the  year  1913  over  the  preceding  four  years  (but  not 
over  the  preceding  eight  years  save  for  the  single  year  1907);  (2)  an  increase 
in  the  number  of  true  bills  found,  which  was  again  an  increase  over  the  pre- 
ceding four  years  only,  for  the  number  of  true  bills  in  1913  was  smaller  than 
in  any  one  of  the  years  from  1901  to  1909.  In  order  to  avoid  duplication, 
these  statistics  will  not  be  presented  here,  but  will  be  discussed  in  connection 
with  the  tables  in  the  following  section  dealing  with  statistics  relating  to  the 
disposition  of  cases  in  the  Municipal  and  Criminal  Courts. 
Sec.  8.     Statistics  Relating  to  the  Disposition  of  Cases  in  the  Municipal  and 

Criminal  Courts. 

In  the  preceding  section  statistics  of  arrests  and  their  possible  value  as 
indicating  the  extent  of  crime  have  been  discussed.  Statistics  have  also  been 
given  showing  the  number  of  convictions  together  with  the  number  of  cases 
held  to  the  Criminal  Court  and  their  relation  to  the  number  of  arrests.  The 
statistics  that  have  been  given  were  all  compiled  from  the  annual  reports 
of  the  General  Superintendent  of  Police.  Since  the  establishment  in  1906  of 
the  Municipal  Court,  there  has  been  published  each  year  an  admirable  report 
of  the  work  of  the  various  branches  of  that  court,  so  that  we  have  for  the 
period  1907-1913  statistics  showing  the  disposition  of  each  class  of  cases  heard 
in  the  Municipal  Court.  There  will  follow,  then,  tables  showing  separately 
for  felonies,  misdemeanors  and  violations  of  ordinances  the  disposition  of  the 
cases  heard  in  the  Municipal  Court  since  its  establishment,  the  number  of 
cases  fined,  sentenced,  and  held  to  the  Grand  Jury,  together  with  the  number 
of  cases  discharged. 

Sec.  9.     Disposition  of  All  Cases  in  the  Municipal  Court  of  Chicago,  1908 ''1913. 
Total  Number  Discharged  and  Convicted. 

The  following  tables  show  the  disposition  of  all  cases  heard  in  the  Muni- 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  25 

cipal  Court  from  1908  *  to  1913.  The  statistics  in  this  table  must  not  be  com- 
pared with  the  police  statistics  for  the  same  year,  since  the  police  reports  are 
for  the  calendar  year  from  January  1  to  December  31,  and  the  Municipal  Court 
reports  are  for  the  year  from  December  1  to  November  30.  Percentages 
would,  of  course,  be  fairly  comparable,  but  numbers  cannot  be  compared. 

TABLE  7.     DISPOSITION   OF  ALL  CASES   IN  THE   MUNICIPAL 

COURT. 

(From  Annual  Reports  of  the  Municipal  Court  of  Chicago,  1908-1913.) 

Numbers. 

Disposition  1913        1912        1911        1910     *1909     *1908 

Defendant  not  apprehended 3,586 

Dismissed,  want  of  prosecution..  6,593 

Non-suits    5,340 

Nolle   pros 2,433 

Discharged    51,797 


1912 

1911 

1910 

5,413 

5,965 

4,080 

5,048 

3,225 

2,519 

11,186 

6,505 

6,290 

4,238 

4,322 

2,981 

42,101 

37,408 

34,746 

Total   discharged    69,749    67,986    57,425     50,616    46,905    41,487 


Fined     34,086  24,006  19,312  20,633  16,559  16,785 

Committed    to    County    Jail    and 

House  of  Correction 14,463  11,764  13,047  13,790  12,479  13,325 

Held    to    Grand    Jury 3,035  2,613  2,946  2,883  2,428  t3,333 


Total   convicted  and   "held".  .51,584    38,383     35,305     37,306    31,466    33,443 


Total  cases  disposed  of....  121,333  106,369  92,730  87,922  78,371     74,930 

Percentages. 

Defendant  not  apprehended 3.0          5.1  6.4  4.7        

Dismissed,  want  of  prosecution...     5.4          4.7  3.5  2.9        

Non-suits   and   nolle   pros 6.4         14.5  11.8  10.5        

Discharged     42.7        39.6  40.3  39.5        


Total    discharged    57.5        63.9        62.0        57.6        59.9        55.4 


Fined     28.1  22.6  20.8  23.5  21.2  22.4 

Committed     to     County     Jail     and 

House  of  Correction 11.9  11.1  14.0  15.7  15.8  17.8 

Held  to   Grand  Jury 2.5  2.4  3.2  3.2  3.1  f4A 


Total  convicted  and  "held"...  42.5        36.1        38.0        42.4        40.1        44.6 


Total  cases  disposed  of....  100.0  100.0  100.0  100.0  100.0  100.0 
*No  statistics  available  except  for  total  number  discharged  in  1908  and  1909. 
flncludes  182,  or  .2  per  cent,  held  to  the  Juvenile  Court. 

The  outstanding  fact  in  this  table  is  that  the  number  of  those  discharged 
each  year  is  greater  than  the  number  convicted,  even  when  all  of  those  held 
to  the  Grand  Jury  are  counted  as  convicted.  The  total  per  cent  discharged 
ranges  from  55.4  per  cent  in  1908  to  as  high  as  63.9  per  cent  in  1912.  The 
cases  convicted  and  held  to  the  Grand  Jury  have  not  only  been  less  than 
half,   they  have  been   less   than  45.0  per   cent   of  the   total   number   of  cases 


*1908  was  not  the  first  but  the  second  year  of  the  court.  Statistics  for  the 
first  year  are  not  given  because  comparable  statistics  of  disposition  are  not 
available  for  1907.  The  first  annual  report  of  the  court  was  a  very  slight 
report  and  was  largely  devoted  to  comparisons  between  the  work  of  the  court 
and  the  work  accomplished  under  the  former  Justice  of  the  Peace  regime. 
This  first  report  shows  that  the  total  number  of  cases  disposed  of  was  58,227, 
and  that  the  number  committed  to  the  County  Jail  and  House  of  Correction 
was  10,783,  but  no  statistics  are  available  showing  the  number  of  persons 
fined,  although  the  total  amount  of  fines  assessed  is  given.  Since  no  statistics 
are  given  showing  the  number  discharged,  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the 
total  number  convicted. 


26  REPORT  OF  CRIME  COMMITTEE 

disposed  of  each  year  since  the  establishment  of  the  Municipal  Court,  and  fell 
one  year  to  36.1  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  cases  disposed  of.* 

It  is  important  to  note  the  reasons  for  the  discharge  of  this  large  per- 
centage of  cases.  In  the  year  1913,  3,586,  or  3  per  cent,  were  discharged  be- 
cause the  defendant  was  "not  apprehended;"  6,593,  or  5.4  per  cent,  because  of 
"want  of  prosecution;"  2,433,  or  2  per  cent,  because  the  state's  attorney  had 
"nolle  prossed;"  5,340,  or  4.4  per  cent,  because  the  corporation  counsel  had 
"non-suited,"  and  51,797,  or  42.7  per  cent,  were  discharged  by  the  court  after 
trial.  These  methods  of  discharge  should,  however,  be  considered  with  refer- 
ence to  the  separate  groups  of  cases  heard,  that  is,  felonies,  rnisdemeanors, 
and  "violations,"  or  quasi-criminal  cases.  In  the  sections  following,  statistics 
relating  to  each  of  these  groups  of  cases  will  be  considered  separately. 

Sec.  10.     Disposition  of  Preliminary  Hearings  in  Municipal  Court,  1908-1913. 

The  question  of  the  number  of  persons  discharged  is,  of  course,  most 
important  in  the  cases  of  serious  crimes.  The  following  table  shows  the  dis- 
position of  all  felony  cases  on  preliminary  hearings  in  the  Municipal  Court 
for  the  period  1908-1913.  Similar  statistics  for  1907,  the  first  year  of  the 
court,  are  not  available. 

TABLE  8.     DISPOSITION   OF  FELONY  CASES   ON  PRELIMINARY 

HEARINGS. 
Municipal  Court  Statistics,  1908-1913. 
Numbers. 

Disposition                                        1913  1912      1911  1910     1909      1908 

Defendant  not  apprehended   948  1,051     1,882  835] 

Discharged,  want  of  prosecution 742  501        390  243  l/iri-io    a-iqq 

Nolle  pros 1,298  1,746    2,178  1,429  r'""^"^    ^'"^^^ 

Discharged    2,079  1,451     2,130  2,228  J 

Held  to  Grand  Jury 3,035  2,613     2,946  2,883     2,428*3,333 

Total  preliminary  hearings 8,102  7,362  9,526  7,618  6,460     7,721 

Percentages. 

Defendant  not  apprehended   11.7  14.2  19.8  11.0      

Discharged,  want  of  prosecution 9.1  6.8  4.1  3.2      

Nolle  pros 16.0  23.7  22.8  18.7      

Discharged     25.7  19.8  22.4  29.2      

Total    discharged    62.5      64.5      69.1       62.1       62.3      56.0 

Held  to   Grand  Jury 37.5      35.5      30.9      37.9      37.7     *44.0 

Total    preliminary    hearings 100.0     100.0     100.0     100.0     100.0     100.0 

♦Includes  182,  or  3  per  cent,  transferred  to  the  Juvenile  Court. 

This  table  shows  that  in  1913  only  3,035,  or  37.5  per  cent,  of  the  felony 
cases  were  held  to  the  Grand  Jury  after  preliminary  hearings  in  the 
Municipal  Court.  The  remaining  5,067  cases,  or  62.5  per  cent  of  the  total 
number,  "got  off"  in  the  following  way:  948,  or  11.7  per  cent,  were  discharged 
because  the  defendant  was  not  apprehended;  742,  or  9.1  per  cent,  were  dropped 
for  want  of  prosecution;  1,298,  or  16  per  cent,  were  nolle  prossed,  and  2,079, 
or  25.7  per  cent,  were  discharged  by  the  various  judges  after  preliminary  hear- 
ings in  court,  leaving  in  round  numbers  only  3,000  cases  to  be  heard  by  the 
Grand  Jury.  In  comparing  statistics,  for  the  preceding  years,  it  appears  that 
the  percentage  held  to  the  Grand  Jury  in  1913  was  slightly  larger  than  the 
percentage  held  in  1912  or  1911,  but  smaller  than  the  percentage  held  in  1910, 
1909,  or  1908.  Some  interesting  changes  are  to  be  noticed  in  connection  with 
the  method  of  discharge.  The  per  cent  of  cases  in  which  the  defendant  was 
"not  apprehended"  increased  in  1911  and  decreased  in  1912  and  1913,  the  per 

*The  percentages  convicted  and  "held"  in  this  table  do  not  agree  with  the 
percentages  given  in  Table  6,  which  shows  the  disposition  of  cases  in  the 
Municipal  Court  based  on  statistics  compiled  from  the  annual  reports  of  the 
General  Superintendent  of  Police.  The  police  statistics  do  not  include 
some  of  the  violations  of  ordinances  that  are  heard  in  the  Municipal  Court  on 
summons,  and  the  number  of  "non-suits"  would  therefore  be  smaller.  A 
further  difference  is  that  the  police  statistics  do  not  include  in  their  classifica- 
tion any  group  of  persons  "not  apprehended."  Still  another  difference  results 
from  the  group  "otherwise  disposed  of"  in  the  police  classification. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  27 

cent  "nolle  pressed"  increased  in  1911  and  1912  and  decreased  in  1913,  the 
per  cent  "discharged  for  want  of  prosecution"  has  steadily  increased,  and  the 
per  cent  discharged  by  the  judges  decreased  in  1911  and  1912  and  increased 
in  1913. 

By  way  of  summary  it  may  be  said  that  in  the  six  years  for  which 
statistics  are  available,  there  have  been  altogether  *46,607  preliminary  hear- 
ings and  *17,056  cases  held  to  the  Grand  Jury,  an  average  for  the  six  years  of 
36.6  per  cent  of  the  cases  held  and  63.4  per  cent  discharged. 

Going  back  to  the  table  of  arrests  (Table  2,  p.  20)  it  will  be  remembered 
that  only  about  one-tenth  of  those  arrested  last  year  were  arrested  on  serious 
charges.  Now  it  becomes  necessary  to  add  the  further  fact  that,  although 
only  a  small  number  of  felony  cases  are  brought  into  the  Municipal  Court, 
about  two-thirds  of  these  are  discharged  without  ever  being  held  to  the 
Grand  Jury. 

Sec.  11.     Disposition  of  Cases  Held  to  the  Grand  Jury,  1901-1913. 

The  next  stage  in  the  progress  towards  a  trial  in  the  Criminal  Court  is 
the  hearing  before  the  Grand  Jury,  where  the  number  of  cases  held  for  trial  is 
still  further  reduced.  The  following  table  shows  the  number  of  cases  heard  by 
the  Grand  Jury  each  year  from  1901  to  1913,  and  the  number  of  "true  bills"  and 
"no  bills." 

TABLE  9.     NUMBER  OF  TRUE  BILLS  AND  NO   BILLS  RETURNED 
BY  GRAND  JURY  OF  COOK  COUNTY:   1901-1913. 


Year  Ending 

Per  Cent  of 

November 

30. 

True  Bills. 

No  Bills. 

Total.** 

True  Bills. 

1901 

2,932 

989 

3,921 

74.8 

1902t 

3,038 

837 

3,875 

78.4 

1903 

3,596 

917 

4,513 

79.7 

1904t 

3,650 

1,053 

4,703 

n.d 

1905t 

3,345 

827 

4,172 

80.2 

1906t 

3,469 

852 

4,321 

80.3 

1907 

2,644 

336 

2,980 

88.7 

1908 

3,064 

405 

3,469 

88.3 

1909 

1,551 

575 

2,126 

73.0 

1910 

2,144 

713 

2,857 

75.0 

1911 

2,326 

806 

3,132 

74.3 

1912 

1,874 

783 

2,657 

70.5 

1913 

2,468 

857 

3,325 

74.2 

Total 

for 

the 

period 36,101  9,950  46,051  78.4 

This  table  shows  that  during  the  period  for  which  Grand  Jury  statistics 
are  available — from  1901  to  1913 — the  percentages  of  true  bills  ranged  from 
70.5  per  cent  to  88.7  per  cent  of  all  cases  heard,  and  averaged  for  the  whole 
period  78.4  per  cent.  The  percentage  of  cases  discharged  by  the  Grand  Jury 
varied,  therefore,  from  11.3  per  cent  to  29.5  per  cent  of  all  cases  heard,  and 
averaged  21.6  per  cent  for  the  whole  period.  The  total  number  of  cases  heard 
by  the  Grand  Jury  does  not  correspond  exactly  with  the  total  number  of 
cases  held  from  the   Municipal   Court.     It   is  not   possible  to  say,   therefore. 


*The  182  cases  transferred  to  the  Juvenile  Court  have  been  excluded  from 
these  totals. 

**It  is  assumed  that  the  total  number  of  cases  before  the  Grand  Jury  is 
equal  to  the  sum  of  true  bills  and  no  bills.  There  are,  however,  a  few  cases 
"passed"  each  month  that  are  heard  at  the  next  session.  The  total  for  any  one 
year,  therefore,  would  include  a  few  cases  held  over  from  the  preceding  year, 
and  would  not  include  a  few  of  the  cases  brought  in  during  the  current  year 
and  "passed"  at  the  last  session.  The  "left-over"  cases  heard  and  the  "passed" 
cases  would  be  approximately  the  same.  The  point  is,  however,  that  the 
totals  do  not  represent  the  precise  number  of  cases  brought  before  the  Grand 
Jury  during  any  one  year. 

fThe  figures  were  lacking  for  the  months  of  April  and  September  in  1902, 
November  in  1904,  February.  May  and  October  in  1905,  and  September  in 
1906.  The  number  of  cases  for  each  of  these  months  was  estimated  on  the 
basis  of  the  relative  number  of  cases  during  the  same  month  of  the  preceding 
year.  The  figures  for  September,  1906,  however,  were  estimated  on  the  basis 
of  September,  1907,  because  the  reports  for  that  year  were  more  complete. 


28 


REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 


as  a  result  of  these  statistics  precisely  how  many  of  the  cases  held  by  the 
Municipal  Court  in  any  one  year  "got  off"  after  the  Grand  Jury  hearing,  but 
it  is  fair  to  assume  that  the  per  cent  of  no  bills  was  the  same  for  the  Muni- 
cipal Court  cases  as  for  the  total  number  of  cases  heard.  On  this  assumption, 
the  total  number  of  felony  cases  discharged  up  to  this  point  would  have 
increased  from  the  62.5  per  cent  for  1913  indicated  in  Table  8  to  72.2  per  cent, 
from  64.5  per  cent  to  75.0  per  cent  for  1912,  from  69.1  per  cent  to  77.0  per  cent 
for  1911,  and  so  on.* 

Returning  to  the  question  of  the  per  cent  of  discharged  cases,  it  may  be 
said  that,  in  round  numbers,  slightly  more  than  one-third  of  all  the  felony 
cases  heard  in  the  Municipal  Court  are  held  over  to  the  Grand  Jury  and  that 
about  one-fourth  of  these  "get-off"  because  the  Grand  Jury  returns  "no  bills." 

Sec.  12.     Final  Disposition  of  Felony  Cases. 

Even  after  leaving  the  Grand  Jury  there  are  other  chances  of  escape  from 
trial,  by  having  the  case  "nolle  prossed"  or  "stricken  ofif"  by  the  State's  Attor- 
ney. Moreover,  a  considerable  number  of  cases  are  of  course  discharged  as 
"not  guilty"  after  trial  in  the  Criminal  Court.  Unfortunately,  statistics  show- 
ing the  number  of  cases  which  are  discharged  in  this  way  are  available  only 
for  a  single  year,  that  ending  November  30,  1912.  The  following  table  shows 
for  that  year  the  total  number  of  discharges  from  the  time  of  preliminary 
hearing  to  trial  in  the  Criminal  Court  together  with  the  number  discharged 
as  not  guilty  after  trial. 

TABLE    10.     DISPOSITION    OF   ALL    FELONY    CASES    GIVEN    PRE- 
LIMINARY  HEARINGS   IN   THE   MUNICIPAL 
COURT  OF  CHICAGO:  1912. 
Disposition.  Number.  Per  cent. 

Discharged  in  Municipal  Court. 

Defendant   not   apprehended....      1,051  14.3 

Discharged:  want  of  prosecution        501  6.8 

Discharged    1,451  19.7 

Nolle  Pros    1,746  23.7 

Discharged  by  Grand  Jury,  etc. 


"No   bills"   Grand   Jury** 783 

Nolle  Pros 89 

Stricken   ofif    338 

Discharged  by  Criminal  Court. 

(Tried  and  found  "not  guilty") . .        240 

Sentenced  to   imprisonment IIZ 

County  Jail  and  House  of  Cor- 
rection       565 

Joliet,    Pontiac,    etc 208 

Fined    25 

Probation    134 

Pending  and  transferred  and  not  re- 
ported          231 

Total   preliminary  hearings.     7,362 


10.6 
5.8 

3.3 
10.5 


.4 


3.1 
100.0 


r 


Discharged  in  Muni- 
cipal Court:  4,749 
(64.5   per   cent). 

Total  discharged  be- 
fore trial:  5,959 
(80.9   per   cent). 

Total  discharged: 
6,199  (84.2  per 
cent). 


Found  guilty:    1,932. 
(12.7  per  cent.) 


*Table  9  is  of  further  interest  since  it  afifords  an  interesting  contrast  be- 
tween the  work  of  the  Grand  Jury  under  four  dififerent  State's  Attorneys. 
During  the  period  of  1901  to  1904,  when  Mr.  Deneen  was  State's  Attorney, 
the  average  number  of  cases  heard  per  year  was  4,253  and  the  average  number 
of  true  bills  was  11.1  per  cent  of  all  cases  heard.  In  the  four-year  period, 
1905-1908,  when  Mr.  Healey  was  State's  Attorney,  the  average  number  of 
cases  heard  per  year  was  3,735  and  the  average  number  of  true  bills  was  83.8 
per  cent  of  all  cases  heard.  During  Mr.  Wayman's  State's  Attorneyship,  1909- 
1912,  the  average  number  of  cases  heard  fell  to  2,693,  and  the  average  number 
of  true  bills  fell  also  to  73.3  per  cent  of  all  cases  heard.  Mr.  Hoyne's  first  year 
shows  a  total  number  of  cases  heard  and  a  percentage  of  true  bills  which  is 
above  Mr.  Wayman's  average,  but  considerably  below  the  average  of  Mr. 
^ealey's  term  and  slightly  below  the  average  of  Mr.  Deneen's  term. 

**These  statistics  were  obtained  from  some  unpublished  material  collected 
by  the  Clerk  of  Criminal  Records  in  the  Municipal  Court,  with  the  exception 
of  the  number  of  "no  bills"  from  the  Grand  Jury.     Since  he  had  not  collected 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  QHICAGO  29 

This  table  may  be  briefly  summarized  as  follows:  In  1912,  4,749  felony 
cases,  or  64.5  per  cent  of  the  total  number,  were  discharged  in  the  Municipal 
Court;  783,  or  10.6  per  cent,  were  discharged  by  the  Grand  Jury;  427,  or  5.8 
per  cent,  were  "nolle  pressed''  or  "stricken  out''  before  trial.  That  is,  out  of 
7,362  felony  cases,  5,959,  or  80.9  per  cent,  were  discharged  without  ever  being 
tried,  leaving  19.1  per  cent  for  trial  in  the  Criminal  Court.  That  is,  a  man 
arrested  for  a  serious  crime  stands  only  about  one  chance  out  of  hve  of  ever 
getting  to  the  Criminal  Court  for  trial.  Of  those  tried  in  the  Criminal  Court 
in  1912,  240  were  found  not  guilty  and  932  were  convicted,  but  of  the  con- 
victed only  773  were  sentenced,  while  the  others  were  fined  or  released  on  pro- 
bation. Moreover,  of  those  sentenced  only  208  were  given  penitentiary  or 
reformatory  sentences.  That  is,  a  criminal  in  Chicago  who  has  been  arrested 
on  a  felony  charge  and  comes  before  the  Municipal  Court,  stands  about  one 
chance  in  thirty  of  going  to  the  penitentiary  or  reformatory. 

Sec.   13.     Per  Cent  of  Convictions  for  Different  Crimes. 

The  per  cent  of  convictions  is,  however,  much  higher  for  some  crimes 
than  for  others,  and,  fortunately,  statistics  are  available  for  the  year  1912 
showing  for  the  different  crimes  the  number  of  convictions  of  the  cases  that 
were  actually  tried  in  the  Criminal  Court.  Table  11  gives  therefore  by  crimes 
the  number  of  convictions  in  the  Criminal  Court,  together  with  the  number 
of  preliminary  hearings.  It  should  be  noted  that  in  the  table  below  the  231 
pending  and  transferred  cases  have  been  subtracted,  which  raises  the  per  cent 
of  convictions  from  12.7  per  cent  to  13.1  per  cent. 

TABLE  11.     NUMBER  OF  PRELIMINARY  HEARINGS  AND  CONVIC- 
TIONS  IN   FELONY   CASES,   BY    CRIMES:      1912. 
(Statistics   from   Municipal   and   Criminal    Courts.) 

Convictions  in  Criminal  Court 

*  Preliminary  Per  Cent  of 

Hearings  Preliminary 

Charge  Municipal  Court.  Number.  Hearings. 

Arson    98  2  2.0 

Assault  to  kill    301  34  11.3 

Burglary     1,125  335  29.8 

Confidence  game    900  85  9.4 

Embezzlement    188  26  13.8 

Larceny     2,203  171  7.8 

Manslaughter    40  ...  0.0 

Murder    87  2  2.3 

Rape     326  32  9.8 

Robbery    987  197  19.9 

Receiving  stolen  property 183  6  3.3 

Other  felonies    693  42  6.1 

Total    7,131  932  13.1 

*  From  this  column  have  been  subtracted  211  cases  pending,  3  transferred, 
and  17  unaccounted  for. 

According  to  this  table  there  was  a  higher  per  cent  of  convictions  for 
burglary  (29.8  per  cent)  than  for  any  other  crime.  This  is  probably  to  be 
explained  by  the  fact  that  many  of  these  cases  were  not  very  serious  and  that 
a  large  proportion  of  those  convicted  received  House  of  Correction  sentences; 
for  the  Illinois  Criminal  Code  gives  a  definition  of  burglary  so  broad  that  it 
includes  almost  every  kind  of  stealing.*  The  crimes  in  which  the  number  of 
convictions  did  not  equal  5  per  cent  of  the  number  of  preliminary  hearings 
were  arson,  murder,  and  receiving  stolen  property.  Other  crimes  for  which 
less  than  10  per  cent  of  convictions  were  secured  were  larceny  (grand),  "run- 
ning a  confidence  game,"  and  "rape."  In  the  cases  of  "assault  with  intent  to 
kill,"  11.3  per  cent  of  convictions  were  secured,  13.8  per  cent  in  the  cases  of 
embezzlement,  and  19.9  per  cent  in  the  cases  of  robbery.  In  the  cases  of 
robbery  and  burglary  alone  did  the  per  cent  of  convictions  run  above  the 
average. 

the  number  of  no  bills  or  true  bills,  the  number  from  the  Grand  Jury  reports 
(see  Table  9)  was  used,  since  in  this  year,  1912,  the  total  number  of  cases 
heard  by  the  Grand  Jury  (2,657)  and  the  total  number  held  by  the  Municipal 
Court  (2,613)  were  approximately  the  same. 

*  See  Appendix  C. 


30  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

Sec.   14,     Other  Statistics  of  Felony   Convictions. 

Statistics  of  convictions  by  crimes  are  available  also  for  the  year  1913, 
but  these  statistics  are  from  the  police  report  for  that  year,  and  are  for 
several  reasons  not  properly  comparable  with  the  Municipal  Court  statistics. 
The  following  table  presents  a  summary  from  the  police  statistics  of  the 
convictions  for  the  various  kinds  of  felonies,  together  with  the  number  of 
arrests  for  each  of  these  offenses,  the  per  cent  of  convictions  for  each  offense, 
and  the  percentage  of  convictions  for  the  same  offenses  from  the  Municipal 
Court  statistics  for  1912.  The  percentages  of  convictions  based  on  the  two 
sets  of  statistics  are  thus  given  in  parallel  columns  so  that  they  may  be  easily 
compared.  The  statistics  are,  of  course,  not  only  from  different  sources,  but 
for  different  years,  and  therefore  the  numbers  are  not  comparable,  but 
the  percentages  may  be  legitimately  compared.  Only  those  offenses  are  in- 
cluded that  are  classified  as  felonies  in  the  Municipal  Court  reports.*  Lar- 
ceny is  also  excluded  because  the  police  statistics  are  for  both  grand  and  petit 
larceny,  and  since  the  court  statistics  include  only  grand  larceny,  the  two  are 
not  properly  comparable. 

TABLE    12.      CONVICTIONS    AND    ARRESTS    FOR    FELONIES    (EX- 
CEPT   GRAND    LARCENY):    1913. 
(Statistics  from  Police  Report,  1913,  using  the  Municipal  Court 
Classification  of  Felonies.) 

Convictions 

*Per  cent  of 
arrests  from 
Per  cent  of       court  sta- 
Charge  Arrests  Number  Arrests         tistics,  1912 

fArson    85  3  3.5  2.0 

Assault  to   kill    246  49  19.9  11.3 

tBurglary    1,053  289  27.4  29.8 

Confidence  game    681  110  16.2  9.4 

Embezzlement    199  29  14.6  13.8 

Manslaughter     43  2  4.7  0.0 

Murder     219  31  14.2  J  23 

Murder,    accessory    to 33  1  3.0  3 

§Rape    258  16  6.2  9.8 

Receiving   stolen   property....       451  96  21.3  3.3 

!|Robbery     1,022  171  16.7  19.9 

Threats  to  kidnap  or  murder.         68  25  36.8  **  — 

Other   felonies    438  38  8.7  6.1 

Total     4.796  860  17.9  1115.4 

*See  Table  11. 

**lncluded  under  other  felonies. 

flncludes  1  case  of  "attempted  arson." 

^Includes  56  cases  of  "attempted  burglary"  and  12  cases  of  "having 
burglar's  tools." 

§Includes  54  cases  of  "assault  to  commit  rape." 

yincludes  7  cases  of  "accessory  to  robbery"  and  180  cases  of  "assault  to 
commit  robbery." 

IfThe  percentage  is  changed  because  larceny  has  been  omitted  in  order 
to  make  the  two  columns  comparable.  If  larceny  is  included  in  the 
two  columns  the  per  cent  of  convictions  from  the  police  columns  is 
32.7  per  cent,  from  the  Municipal  Court  column,   13.1  per  cent. 

*Attention  has  already  been  called  to  some  differences  between  the 
statistics  from  the  police  reports  and  from  the  Municipal  Court  reports.  For 
the  year  1913,  the  police  report  gives  statistics  of  convictions  in  felony  cases, 
but  there  are  included  some  oflfenses  that  are  not  felonies:  e.  g.,  "larceny" 
includes  petit  as  well  as  grand  larceny;  "contributing  to  delinquency"  and 
"pandering"  are  included,  although  neither  of  these  last  offenses  is  a  felony. 
It  should  also  be  noted  that  statistics  showing  convictions  by  crimes  are  fur- 
nished only  in  the  police  report  for  1913. 

Unfortunately  the  result  of  preliminary  hearing  and  the  disposition  of 
the  cases  on  which  convictions  were  not  secured,  that  is,  the  number  rejected 
by  the  Grand  Jury,  the  number  "nolle  prossed,"  "stricken  off,"  or  tried  and 
found  not  guilty,  are  not  published. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  31 

Comparing  the  two  columns  of  percentages,  it  appears  that  although  the 
percentage  of  convictions  according  to  the  police  statistics  is  slightly  higher 
than  the  percentage  based  on  the  court  statistics  (17.9  per  cent  compared 
with  13.1  per  cent),  on  the  whole,  the  police  statistics  for  1913  contirm  the 
court   statistics   for    1912   in    showing   a   very    low   percentage    of   convictions. 

The  police  statistics  show  a  slightly  smaller  per  cent  of  convictions  than 
the  Municipal  Court  statistics  for  three  offenses,  burglary,  rape  and  robbery, 
and  a  higher  percentage  of  convictions  than  the  court  statistics  for  the 
offenses  of  assault  to  kill,  "confidence  game,"  embezzlement,  murder  and 
receiving  stolen  property. 

In  discussing  statistics  of  arrests  and  convictions  on  felony  charges,  the 
fact  should  not  be  overlooked  that  persons  charged  with  felonies  are  some- 
times convicted  of  less  serious  crimes.  This  is  probably  true  especially  of 
burglary  and  robbery.  The  Illinois  Criminal  Code  gives  a  definition  of 
burglary  so  broad  that  it  might  include  almost  any  kind  of  stealing,*  and 
convictions  for  larceny  sometimes  follow  arrests  for  burglary.  For  example, 
two  boys  were  brought  into  the  "Boys"  Court"  recently  on  charges  of  bur- 
glary. Their  actual  offense  was  stealing  a  small  basket  of  eggs  from  the  base- 
ment of  a  store  where  they  had  recently  worked.  The  charge  was  very 
properly  changed  to  petit  larceny  and  the  boys  released  on  probation.  The 
police  are  undoubtedly  very  careless  and  indifferent  in  deciding  upon  what 
charge  an  arrested  person  is  to  be  "booked."  Their  mistakes  may  be  read- 
justed in  the  courts,  but  they  are  disastrous  to  statistical  comparisons. 

In  the  case  of  robbery,  as  in  burglary,  persons  are  arrested,  and  charged 
with  robbery**  by  the  police  when  they  should  be  charged  with  larceny.  For 
example,  five  boys,  ranging  in  ages  from  eighteen  to  twenty-two  years,  were 
recently  brought  into  court  charged  with  robbery.  But  their  actual  offense 
had  been  teasing  a  peddler  on  the  street  and  finally  taking  from  him  five 
small  brooms  valued  at  75  cents.  They  were  finally  discharged  upon  making 
restitution.  These  five  arrests  may  or  may  not  have  been  necessary,  but  it 
was  clearly  wrong  for  the  police  to  charge  the  boys  with  robbery,  for  which 
the  minimum  sentence  is  one  year  in  the  penitentiary,  instead  of  charging 
them  with  disorderly  conduct  or  at  most  petit  larceny. 

A  further  statistical  difficulty  should  be  noted  with  regard  to  the  police 
statistics,  and  that  is  that  the  arrests  and  convictions  may  not  cover  precisely 
the  same  period.  That  is,  arrests  of  one  year  may  result  in  convictions  the 
following  year.  Arrests  for  burglary  in  December  would  probably  not  be 
disposed  of  during  that  year.  It  may,  of  course,  be  assumed  that  the  pro- 
portions will  be  very  much  the  same  from  year  to  year,  and  that  the  margin 
of  error  here  is  not  a  very  large  one. 

Sec.  15.     The  Significance  of  Unnecessary  Arrests 

The  outstanding  fact  about  the  statistics  of  convictions  on  felony  charges 
is  that,  even  if  large  allowances  be  made  for  possible  statistical  errors,  there 
will  still  remain  a  very  low  percentage  of  convictions.  Police  and  court  sta- 
tistics alike  show  a  per  cent  of  convictions  on  felony  cases  ranging  from  13.1 
to  17.9  per  cent  of  arrests  for  all  felonies  and  in  the  case  of  specific  crimes, 
from  2.0  per  cent  to  29.8  per  cent.  Back  of  this  lie  two  possible  explanations: 
(1)A  large  number  of  innocent  persons  are  arrested  and  are  in  consequence 
discharged  without  conviction;  or  (2)  a  large  number  of  persons  who  are 
legitimately  arrested  and  who  should  be  convicted  are  being  released  because 
of  some  defect  in  our  prosecuting  machinery.  Whether  this  defect  is  to  be 
attributed  to  the  police,  the  courts,  the  Grand  Jury,  or  the  State's  Attorney's 
office,  is  not  within  the  province  of  this  discussion. 


*The  Revised  Statutes  give  the  following  definition  of  burglary:  "Who- 
ever wilfully,  and  maliciously  and  forcibly  breaks  and  enters,  or  wilfully  and 
maliciously,  without  force  (the  doors  and  windows  being  open),  enters  into 
any  dwelling-house,  kitchen,  office,  shop,  store-house,  etc.,  or  other  building 
with  intent  to  commit  murder,  robbery,  rape,  mayhem,  or  other  felony  or 
larceny,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  burglary  and  be  imprisoned  in  the  peniten- 
tiary for  a  term  not  less  than  one  year  nor  more  than  twenty  years."  Illinois 
Revised  Statutes,  1909,  p.  750. 

**According  to  the  Revised  Statutes  robbery  is  "the  felonious  and  violent 
taking  of  money,  goods,  or  other  valuable  thing  from  the  person  of  another 
by  force  or  intimidation"  and  the  penalty  is  from  one  to  ten  years  in  the 
penitentiary.     Ibid,  p.   779. 


32  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

One  important  fact,  however,  should  not  be  overlooked  in  connection 
with  the  discussion  concerning  the  per  cent  of  those  held  for  felony  charges 
who  are  discharged  and  sentenced.  All  of  those  who  are  held  from  the 
Municipal  Court  to  the  Grand  Jury,  3,035  persons  in  1913  and  2,613  m  1912, 
must  stay  in  the  County  Jail  until  their  case  has  been  heard  by  the  Grand 
Jury  unless  they  are  able  to  secure  bail.  If  they  are  held  by  the  Grand  Jury 
for  trial  in  the  Criminal  Court,  they  must  continue  to  lie  in  jail  until  their 
case  comes  to  trial.  The  report  of  the  jailer  for  1913  showed  that  nearly  700 
persons  were  kept  in  jail  for  varying  periods  of  time  and  then  discharged 
without  conviction  as  follows: 

TABLE   13..    PERSONS   RELEASED   FROM   COOK  COUNTY  JAIL  IN 
1913  WITHOUT  CONVICTION. 
Reason  for  Release  Number 

Released  without  trial — 

No  bill  Grand  Jury 290 

Stricken    of¥    117 

Nolle  pros 39 

446 

Tried  and  found  not  guilty 245 

Total    691 

It  is  certainly  a  fact  of  great  importance  that  nearly  450  persons  were 
held  in  the  County  Jail  last  year  and  then  released  either  because  the  Grand 
Jury  or  the  State's  Attorney  thought  there  was  not  sufficient  evidence  against 
them  to  justify  their  being  tried,  or  because  upon  trial  they  were  found  not 
guilty,  and  that  250  more  were  released  who  had  been  tried  and  found  "not 
guilty"  by  the  Criminal  Court.  These  691  persons  were  presumably  innocent 
and  suffered  the  degradation  and  discomforts  of  imprisonment  without  cause. 
Even  for  those  who  are  able  to  obtain  release  on  bond,  the  burdens  and 
humiliation  of  arrest,  preliminary  hearing.  Grand  Jury  hearing,  and  in  many 
cases  Criminal  Court  trial  are  very  great,  and  if  these  are  due  to  unjust  arrests, 
some  remedy  should  be  available.* 

Sec.  16.     Disposition  of  Criminal  (Misdemeanor)   Cases  in  the  Municipal 

Court,  1908-1913. 
So  far  only  the  disposition  of  felony  cases  has  been  discussed.  Equally 
important  is  the  question  of  the  number  of  misdemeanors  and  of  quasi- 
criminal  cases  (violations  of  ordinances)  and  the  disposition  of  these  cases. 
There  were,  in  the  year  1913,  nearly  20,000  misdemeanor  cases  disposed  of  in 
the  Municipal  Court.  The  largest  single  group  of  misdemeanors  were  auto- 
mobile offenses,  and  following  these  in  order  of  numerical  importance  were 
the  cases  of  assault  (including  "assault  with  a  deadly  weapon"  and  "assault 
and  battery"),  petit  larceny,  contributing  to  delinquency,  abandonment,  viola- 
tions of  the  state  factory  law,  adultery  and  similar  offenses,  obtaining  money 
on  false  pretenses,  vagrancy,  receiving  stolen  property,  malicious  mischief 
and   other  offenses**   of  minor  importance  numerically. 

The  disposition  of  these  cases  in  the  Municipal  Court  from  1908  to  1913 
is  shown  in  the  following  table: 

TABLE  14.    DISPOSITION  OF  CRIMINAL  CASES  (MISDEMEANORS) 
IN   THE    MUNICIPAL   COURT:    1908-1913. 
Numbers. 
Disposition  1913       1912        1911      1910       1909       1908 

Defendant  not  apprehended 849       1.731       1,376     1,275      

Dismissed:   want   of   prosecution...    1,709       1,403  762        615)     oiqi"! 

Nolle  pros 1.135       2,492      2,144     1.552  j    ^'^^U  6,253 

Discharged  5,616       3,748       2,616     2,381       4,284  J    

Total    discharged    9,309      9,374      6,898     5,823      6,465       6,253 

*  Thousands  of  other  persons  whose  cases  are  postponed  and  continued 
in  the  Municipal  Court  are  also  held  in  the  County  Jail  awaiting  trial,  and  of 
course  a  very  large  percentage  of  these  persons  are  also  discharged  without 
conviction.  The  total  number  of  innocent  persons  therefore  who  suffer  im- 
prisonment in  the  County  Jail  is  much  greater  than  the  691  shown  in  Table  13. 
Unfortunately,  the  jailer's  report  merely  shows  that  their  cases  are  "disposed 
of  in  the  Municipal  Court,"  and  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  how  large  a 
percentage  of  them  were  discharged.  See  Appendix  B  for  the  jailer's  report 
for  the  year  1913  and  for  further  statistics  relating  to  the  County  Jail. 

**Appendix  G  contains  table  showing  number  of  cases  of  each  charge. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  33 

Fined 7,808      4,439      3,355     2,310       1,380      1,990 

Committed  to  County  Jail  or  House 
of  Correction   2,403      2,075       1,517     1,692      2,285      2,224 

Total    convicted    ..10,211  6,514  4,872  4,002  3,665      4,214 

Total   cases   disposed   of 19,520  15,888  11,770  9,825  10,130     10,467 

Percentages. 

Defendant  not  apprehended 4.3  10.9  11.7  12.9          

Dismissed:    want    of   prosecution..     8.8  8.8  6.5  6.3 

Nolle  pros 5.8  15.7  18.2  15.8          

Discharged     28.8  23.6  22.2  24.3          

Total    discharged    47.7        59.0        58.6        59.3        63.8        59.7 

Fined 40.0        28.0        28.5        23.5         13.6        19.0 

Committed      to      County     Jail      or 

House  of  Correction 12.3         13.0        12.9         17.2        22.6        21.3 

Total    convicted    52.3        41.0        41.4        40.7        36.2        40.3 

Total    cases   disposed    of lOO.O       lOO.O       lOO.O       100.0       100.0       100.0 

This  table  shows  that  in  1913  nearly  one-half,  or  47.7  per  cent,  of  all 
misdemeanor  cases  were  discharged;  that  the  52.3  per  cent  convicted  were 
divided  into  40  per  cent  fined  and  only  12.3  per  cent  sentenced  to  imprison- 
ment in  the  County  Jail  or  House  of  Correction.  Moreover,  the  per  cent  of 
cases  discharged  was  lower  and  the  per  cent  of  cases  convicted  was  higher 
than  in  any  preceding  year  since  the  establishment  of  the  Municipal  Court, 
with  the  possible  exception,  of  course,  of  the  year  1907,  for  which  statistics 
are  not  available.  But  when  the  disposition  of  the  convicted  cases  is  examined 
it  appears  that  the  increase  in  the  number  of  convictions  was  an  increase  in 
the  number  fined  alone,  which  rose  from  28.0  per  cent  in  1912  to  40.0  per  cent 
in  1913,  a  larger  percentage  of  persons  fined  than  had  occurred  in  the  five 
years  preceding.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  percentage  committed  to  the  County 
Jail  and  the  House  of  Correction  actually  decreased.  The  percentage  com- 
mitted in  1913  was  12.3  per  cent  in  comparison  with  13.0  per  cent  in  1912, 
12.9  per  cent  in  1911,  17.2  per  cent  in  1910,  22.6  per  cent  in  1909,  and  21.3  per 
cent  in  1908. 

Sec.  17.     Disposition  of  Quasi-Criminal  Cases  (Violations  of  Ordinances)  in 
the  Municipal  Court,  1908-1913. 
Statistics  showing  the   disposition  of  quasi-criminal  cases,  tell  much  the 
same   story  regarding  discharges   and  convictions.     Quasi-criminal   cases   are 
those  involving  the  violations  of  city  ordinances.     There  were  in  1913,  more 
than  93,000  of  such  cases  disposed  of*  and  60  per  cent  of  these  were  cases 
that  may  be  classified  as  "disorderly"  including  cases  of  disorderly  conduct, 
violating  park  ordinances  and  vagrancy  ("vagabonds").     The  following  table 
shows  the  disposition  of  all  quasi-criminal  cases  from  1908  to  1913: 
TABLE    15.     DISPOSITION    OF   QUASI-CRIMINAL    CASES    (VIOLA- 
TIONS OF  ORDINANCES)  IN  THE  MUNICIPAL  COURT:  1908-1913. 

Numbers. 
Disposition.  1913.       1912.       1911.       1910.       1909.       1908. 

Defendant  not  apprehended 1,789      2,631       2,707       1,970        

Dismissed:  want  of  prosecution..  4,142      3,144       2,073       1,661         

Non-suits    5,340    11,186      6,505      6,290      9,749 ^.^ 846 

Discharged    44,102    36,902    32.662    30,137    26,659]'^'^'^^° 

Total   discharged    55,373    53,863    43,947    40,058    36,408    30,846 

Fined     26,278  19,567  15,957    18,323     15,179    14,795 

Committed  to   County  Jail 43  58  74] 

Committed   to   House   of   Correc-  1-12,098     10,194     11,101 

tion    12,017  9,631  11,456  J 

Total    convicted    .38,338    29,256    27,487    30^21     25.373    25.896 

Total  cases  disposed  of 93,711     83,119    71,434    70,479    61,781     56,742 

♦Appendix  H  contains  tables  giving  complete  lists  of  all  cases  disposed  of. 


-34  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

Percentages. 

Defendant  not  apprehended 1.9          3.2  3.7  2.9        

Dismissed:  want  of  prosecution..       4.4          3.8  2.9  2.3  •  •  •  •         •••• 

Non-suits    5.7         13.4  9.1  9.0  15.8)      545 

Discharged   47.1        44.5  45.7  42.7  43.1  j 

Total    discharged    59.1        64.9  61.4  56.9  58.9        54.5 

Fined '28^        23.5  22.3  26.0  24.6        26.0 

Committed     to     County     Jail     or 

House    of    Correction 12.9         11.6  16.3  17.1  16.5         19.5 

Total    convicted    40.9        35.1  38.6  43.1  41.1        45.5 


Total  cases  disposed  of 100.0       100.0       100.0       100.0      100.0       lOO.O 

This  table  shows  that  in  1913  more  than  55,000  of  the  quasi-criminal 
cases  were  discharged;  that  is,  59.1  per  cent  were  discharged,  compared  with 
40.9  per  cent  convicted.  This  table  shows  also  the  method  of  discharge  and 
the  kind  of  sentence  imposed.  Thus  it  appears  44,102,  or  47.1  per  cent,  were 
discharged  in  court,  and  the  12.0  per  cent  never  reached  the  court;  of  the  latter, 
5.7  per  cent  were  non-suited  by  the  City  Prosecutor's  office,  4.4  per  cent  were 
dismissed  for  want  of  prosecution,  and  1.9  per  cent  of  the  offenders  were  dis- 
charged because  they  could  not  be  apprehended.  The  40.9  per  cent  convicted 
were  divided  into  28.0  per  cent  fined  and  12.9  per  cent  committed  to  the  County 
Jail  or  House  of  Correction,  including  those  committed  for  non-payment  of 
fines.  Looking  over  the  statistics  for  the  series  of  six  years,  it  appears  that  the 
year  1912  showed  the  largest  per  cent  of  discharged  cases  and  the  year  1908 
the  smallest  per  cent  discharged.  In  comparison  with  the  earlier  years,  the 
year  1913  shows  a  larger  per  cent  of  convictions  than  the  three  earlier  years. 
The  statistics  indicate  that  the  tendency  is  towards  fining  rather  than  im- 
prisoning those  convicted. 

Sec.    18.     Statistics    from    Reports    of    Police    Department    Relating    to    Dis- 
position of  Cases  in  the  Municipal  Court,  1913. 

Statistics  of  disposition  published  in  the  annual  reports  of  the  police  de- 
partment show  not  the  number  of  persons  committed,  but  only  the  number 
sentenced,  exclusive  of  those  committed  for  non-payment  of  fines.  These 
statistics  show  that  less  than  2  per  cent  of  those  arrested  in  1913  were  actually 
sentenced  to  imprisonment.  The  following  table  shows  the  total  number 
of  persons  arrested  last  year,  the  number  sentenced,  the  number  fined,  and 
the  number  placed  on  probation: 

TABLE    16.      DISPOSITION    OF    ALL    CASES    IN    THE    MUNICIPAL 
COURT   AS    PUBLISHED    IN   THE    REPORT   OF   THE 

POLICE   DEPARTMENT:   1913. 
Disposition  Number  Per  cent 

Held  to   Grand  Jury 2,182  2.0 

Sentenced  to  County  Jail    141  .1 

Sentenced  to  House  of  Correction *1,935  1.8 

Fined 43,690  39.8 

Probation,  peace  bonds,  and  weekly  payments 2,899  2  6 

Discharged  56,529  51.5 

Nolle  pros,  and  stricken  off 2,003  1.8 

Otherwise   disposed   of 385  .4 


109,764  100.0 

*Includes  2  cases  sentenced  to  other  correctional  institutions. 

This  table  shows  again  very  clearly  that  the  machinery  of  our  court  and 
police  system  exists  chiefly  for  the  petty  ofifender.  Out  of  109,764  cases,  only 
2,182,  or  2  per  cent,  are  serious  enough  to  be  held  to  the  Grand  Jury;  141,  or 
one-tenth  of  1  per  cent,  are  serious  enough  to  be  sentenced  to  the  County 
Jail,  and  1.935,  or  1.8  per  cent,  are  serious  enough  to  be  sentenced  to  the 
House  of  Correction;  that  is,  out  of  109,764  cases,  56,529  are  discharged,  2,076 
sentenced.  2,182  held  to  the  Grand  Jury,  and  43,690  fined.  It  will  be  noted 
that  the  Municipal  Court  statistics  (Table  7)  showed  that  11.9  per  cent  of  all 
cases  disposed  of  were  committed  to  the  County  Jail  or  House  of  Correction, 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  35 

in  contrast  to  the  1.9  per  cent  in  Table  16  committed  to  these  institutions. 
This  difference  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Municipal  Court  statistics  include 
those   committed  for  non-payment  of  fine. 

Sec.  19.  Statistics  from  the  Boys'  Court. 
The  establishment  in  March,  1914,  of  a  special  branch  court  to  hear 
cases  of  boys  under  twenty-one  makes  possible  a  separate  examination  of 
arrests  and  discharges  of  these  boys'  cases.  Table  17  therefore  presents  the 
statistics  showing  the  di.sposition  of  cases  brought  into  the  Boys'  Court  from 
its  establishment  in  March,  1914,  to  the  end  of  September,  1914,  a  period  of 
slightly  more  than  six  months. 

TABLE  17.     DISPOSITION  OF  CASES:     VIOLATIONS,  MIS- 
DEMEANORS,  FELONIES. 
Violations 

of  city  Mis-  Felonies 

ordinances         demeanors       (Preliminary 
(Quasi-Criminal)    (Criminal)         Hearings)  Total 

Disposition  No.  Per  cent    No.  Per  cent    No.  Per  cent     No.     Per  cent 

Discharged    3,140        79.7      287        40.7      456        47.2      3,883        69.2 

Nolle   pros,    or    non- 
suit          19]  11  261  46  0.8 

Discharged  for  want  [        3.6  [        S.7  }       7.7 

of    prosecution....    123 J  39 J  49 J  211  3.8 

Total  discharged  3,282        83.3      327        46.4      531         54.9      4,140        73.8 

Fined     309  7.9         19  2.7     328  5.8 

Committed  to  House 

of     Correction     or 

County  Jail   312  7.9       182        25.9     494  8.8 

Probation    36  0.9      176        25.0     212  3.8 

Total   convicted.    657         16.7      377        53.6     1,034        18.4 

Held      to      Criminal 
Court 436        45.1         436  7.8 

Total    3,939       100.0      704       100.0      967       100.0      5,610       100.0 

This  table  shows  that  of  the  most  numerous  group  of  cases,  that  is,  the 
"quasi-criminal,"  3,282,  or  83  per  cent,  were  discharged;  that  46  per  cent  of 
the  criminal  (misdemeanor)  cases  were  discharged  and  nearly  half  of  those 
convicted  were  released  on  probation;  of  the  felony  cases,  only  45  per  cent 
were  even  held  to  the  Grand  Jury. 

Sec.  20.     Large  Percentage  of  Petty  Offenders  in  the  Boys'  Court, 

To  understand  why  so  large  a  percentage  of  the  persons  arrested  are 
discharged,  it  is  necessary  to  examine  the  precise  charges  on  which  the  cases 
are  brought  into  court.  Fortunately,  it  is  possible  to  present,  for  the  Boys' 
Court,*  a  list  of  typically  trival  offenses  for  which  persons  have  been  arrested. 

For  example,  J —  T —  is  arrested  because  he  "made  a  loud  noise  at  21st 
and  Dearborn  and  threw  a  dog  out  in  the  street  by  the  leg."  H —  S —  is  ar- 
rested for  "standing  on  street  corner  at  8:50  p.  m,"  A^ — -  D —  for  sleeping  in 
a  barn,  and  F —  W —  for  sleeping  on  the  prairie  because  he  had  just  got  a 
job  and  had  no  other  place  to  go  that  night.  S —  T — ,  first  offender,  seventeen 
years,  "found  in  poolroom,  under  age  to  be  allowed  there,  first  time  even  in 
this  poolroom,  no  evidence  of  gambling,  several  boys  arrested."  D —  S — , 
nineteen  years,  "playing  cards  in  a  vacant  store,  several  boys  arrested  and 
discharged."  E —  H —  "did  not  move  when  officer  spoke;  going  into  dance 
hall  1  a.  m.,  no  evidence  of  disorder."  E —  S —  "was  with  a  man  who  had  a 
stolen  bicycle."  M —  S —  "with  sixteen  boys  over  eighteen  years,  in  poolroom 
raid;  only  one  gambling;  others  orderly  and  of  good  character."  E —  E — 
"playing  ball  on  street."  G —  S —  "with  two  men  sleeping  in  wagon  at  2  a.  m. 
at   Liberty  and  Halsted   streets;"  all   arrested.     A —  F —  "sleeping  in   barn." 

*  See  an  article  by  M'iss  Evelina  Belden  on  the  Boys'  Court  of  Chicago, 
with  statistics  covering  the  first  six  months  of  the  court's  work;  to  be  pub- 
lished in  the  American  Jiournal  of  Sociology,  May,  1915.  The  material  for 
Table  17  was  kindly  furnished  by  Miss  Belden. 


36  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

C—  T—  "flipping  trains  into  town."     W—  G—  "singing  in   Lincoln  Park  at 
the  High  Bridge."     A—  U— ,  "girl  said  some  remarks  were  made  to  her  on 
street  by  defendant;  defendant  cannot  speak  English  nor  she  his  language. 
G—  K—  "fight  in  saloon  at  Wells  and  Fugel  streets;  defendant  had  a  lenion 
squeezer."     G—  H—  "1:45  a.  m.,  Western  avenue,  commg  home  from  a  party. 
A—  D—  "5  a.  m.  refused  to  move  on  -quickly.'"     O—  M— ,  son  and^^tather 
arrested  together,  "driving  a  horse  which  ran  away  in  their  possession.       A 
F —  "complainant  says  defendant  throws  a  dog  over  the  fence.'     L—  J  in 

crowd  near  fight."  M—  K—  "'fighting  with  man  who  refused  to  leave  the 
hallway  where  defendant  was  working."  H—  U—  "in  freight  yards  of  rail- 
road." F—  W—  "sleeping  outside  Polk  Street  Depot."  F—  L—  "2:15  a.  m. 
on  street  at  44th  and  Montrose,"  three  boys  arrested. 

Sometimes  the  same  boy  is  arrested  and  rearrested  on  trivial  charges 
several  times  within  a  few  months.  The  following  cases  are  those  of  typical 
"repeaters":  ,, 

S —  E — ,  nineteen  years,  "no  license,  father  had  applied  for  license  ; 
five  times  in  Boys'  Court.  L—  S—  "4:30  a.  m.  on  street,"  has  been  arrested 
for  disorderly  conduct  numerous  times  before  and  since.  E —  N —  "ran  away 
from  home;  not  working";  arrested  three  times  for  similar  offenses.  J —  G — 
"drinking  beer  on  prairie  on  way  from  party,"  arrested  following  month  for 
similar  ofifense.  J —  L —  "sleeping  in  barn";  two  weeks  later,  "rushing  the  can 
with  a  crowd."  J —  B —  "two  boys  sleeping  in  hallway,"  both  boys  arrested 
again  within  a  few  weeks   for  similar  offense   and   discharged. 

Sec.  21.     The  Waste  of  Needless  Arrests. 

Judges  are  not  going  to  sentence  or  even  fine  people  for  trivial  offenses, 
and  the  question  must  surely  be  raised  as  to  whether  the  costly  machinery 
of  the  courts,  police  and  jails  were  devised  and  are  to  be  supported  by  the 
taxpayers  for  the  purpose  of  dealing  with  petty  offenders.  The  expense  of 
this  machinery  in  Chicago  and  Cook  County  is,  in  round  numbers,  something 
like  eight  millions  of  dollars  a  year.*  It  is  certainly  large  enough  to  demand 
some  analysis  of  the  relation  between  cost  and  results. 

By  way  of  summary  it  might  be  repeated  with  regard  to  the  statistics 
of  arrests  and  "cases  disposed  of"  that  all  available  statistics  show  that  more 
than  50  per  cent  of  all  the  persons  arrested  and  tried  are  discharged,  and  for 
the  more  serious  crimes  the  percentage  discharged  runs  very  much  higher. 
Following  the  assumption  that  those  discharged  are  innocent,  or  at  most  are 
guilty  of  such  small  offenses  that  no  penalty  can  be  imposed,  then  more  than 
half  of  all  the  121,333  personsf  who  were  brought  into  the  Municipal  Court 
for  felonies,  for  misdemeanors,  or  for  violations  of  ordinances  should  not  have 
been  brought  into  court  at  all;  that  is,  that  more  than  60,000  persons  were 
brought  into  court  needlessly.  Most  of  these  persons  had  been  arrested, 
many  thousands  of  them  had  spent  twenty-four  hours  at  least  in  the  police 
stations, t  many  hundreds  had  spent  weeks  or  months  in  the  County  Jail.§ 
They  had  had  all  the  humiliation  of  being  arrested  and  tried,  and  the  tax- 
payers had  borne  the  cost  of  the  police  who  arrested  them,  of  the  police  sta- 
tions or  jail  that  had  detained  them,  of  the  courts  and  judges  and  other  court 
officials  who  had  been  part  of  the  machinery  that  tried  them.  There  is  more 
than  this  to  be  considered.  Unjustified  arrests  and  imprisonment  create  a 
disrespect  for  the  law  that   in   turn  breeds  lawlessness. 


*This  estimate  is  based  on  the  Comptroller's  report  for  1913.  which 
showed  the  following  expenditures:  For  Police  Department,  $6,622,654.90; 
for  County  Jail,  Criminal  Court,  etc.,  $959,080.51;  for  the  criminal  branches 
of  the  Municipal  Court,  $346,714.67;  for  the  City  Prosecutor's  Office,  $54,169  40; 
for  the  House  of  Correction,  $226,668.29.     Total,  $8,209,287.77. 

fin  1913,  8,102  felony  cases,  19,520  misdemeanors,  and  93,711  violations 
(quasi-criminal)    were  disposed   of;   a   total  of   121,333. 

$It  is  unfortunately  not  possible  to  ascertain  precisely  how  many  arrested 
persons  were  held  over  night  in  the  various  police  stations.  But  statistics 
have  been  obtained  showing  that  47,862  bail-bonds  were  accepted  by  the 
judges  of  the  Municipal  Court  during  the  vear  1913.  The  number  granted 
each  month  was  as  follows:  January.  3,793;  February,  3,801:  March  3  761- 
Anril.  3,644;  May,  3,467;  Tune.  3,648;  July,  4.147;  August,  4.522;  September, 
4,508;  October,  4,058;  November,  4,502;  December,  4,011;  total,  47,862. 

§See  Appendix  B  of  this  report. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  3Z 

Sec.  22.     Imprisonment  for  Non-Payment  of  Fines. 

The  report  of  the  Department  of  Police  for  1913  shows  1,933  persons 
sentenced  to  the  House  of  Correction,  and  the  report  of  the  Municipal  Court 
shows  14,274  persons  sentenced  during  the  same  year  to  the  same  institution. 
The  difference  between  these  two  numbers  is  undoubtedly  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  number  given  in  the  Municipal  Court  report  includes  those  committed  for 
the  non-payment  of  fine  in  addition  to  those  who  were  sentenced  as  a  penalty 
for  the  offenses  they  had  committed.*  Statistics  from  the  House  of  Correc- 
tion confirm  the  fact  that  the  great  majority  of  the  persons  committed  there 
are  committed  for  the  non-payment  of  fines. 

The  following  table,  which  has  been  compiled  from  statistics  furnished 
by  the  Superintendent  of  the  House  of  Correction,  shows  the  number  of  per- 
sons committed  to  that  institution  from  1910  to  1913  and  the  reasonjor  com- 
mitment; i.  e.,  how  many  and  what  per  cent  of  those  committed  were  sen- 
tenced, committed  for  non-payment  of  fines,  or  both. 

TABLE  18.     COMMITMENTS  TO  HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION:  1910-1913. 

Numbers. 
Order.  1913.  1912.  1911.  1910. 

Sentenced    895  857  1,097  910 

Committed  for  non-payment  of  fines..     12,124  9,317         10,987         11,111 

Fined  and   sentenced 1,690  1,108  715  707 

Total     14,709        11,282  12,799  12,728 

Percentages. 
Order 

Sentenced    6.1  7.6  8.6  7.1 

Committed  for  non-payment  of  fines..    82.4  82.6  85.8  87.3 

Fined   and   sentenced 11.5  9.8  5.6  5.6 

Total     100.0  100.0  100.0  100.0 

This  table  shows  that  in  the  year  1913  there  were  14,709  persons  com- 
mitted to  the  House  of  Correction,  but  only  a  very  small  proportion  of  these 
fourteen  thousand  men  and  women  were  committed  because  they  had  been 
sentenced  to  imprisonment.  There  were  12,124  persons,  or  82.4  per  cent  of 
the  total  number  committed,  who  were  sent  to  the  House  of  Correction  solely 
because  of  the  non-payment  of  fines.  The  percentage  of  commitments  for 
the  non-payment  of  fines  was  much  the  same  in  the  three  preceding  years. 
In  1910,  87.3  per  cent  of  all  persons  committed;  in  1911,  85.8  per  cent;  and  in 

1912,  82.6  per  cent  were  committed  for  non-payment  of  fines.  During  these 
years  the  percentage  sentenced  has  slightly  decreased,  and  the  percentage  of 
persons  who  were  both  fined  and  sentenced  has  slightly  increased.  It  should 
be  noted  that  there  were  in  1913,  1,690  persons  who  were  both  sentenced  and 
fined.  The  terms  of  many  of  these  prisoners  are  extended  after  sentence  of 
imprisonment  has  been  served  because  they  cannot  pay  fines.  The  total  number 
of  persons,  therefore,  whose  "board  and  keep"  are  being  paid  by  the  taxpayers 
because  of  non-payment  of  fines  is  considerably  more  than  the  12,124  persons 
who  were  committed  only  for  this  purpose. 

It  has  already  been  said  that  most  of  the  commitments  for  non-payment 
of  fines  were  for  small  fines.     The  following  table  shows  the  number  of  per- 
sons committed  for  fines  of  specified  amounts  in  the  years   1910-1913. 
TABLE    19.     NUMBER   OF   PERSONS    COMMITTED    FOR    NON-PAY- 
MENT OF  FINES  OF  SPECIFIED  AMOUNTS:    1910-1913. 

1913.  1912.  1911.  1910. 

Less  than  $5 622  257  484  373 

$5  and  less  than  $10 1,476  981  1,398  2,050 

$10  and  less  than  $15 2,375  1,796  1,905  2,570 

$15  and  less  than  $20 2,305  1,900  2,309  2,287 

$20  and  less  than  $30 616  746  816  745 

$30  and  less  than  $40 2,050  1,694  1,931  1,555 

$40  and  less  than  $50 (yJ  110  118  176 

*The  numbers  given  are  from  p.  14,  Annual  Report  of  the  Department  of 
Police,  1913,  and  from  p.  129,  Annual  Report  of  the  Municipal  Court  of  Chicago, 

1913.  It  should  be  noted  that  the  former  report  is  from  the  year  ending 
December  30,  1913,  and  the  latter  for  the  year  ending  November  30,  1913,  so 
that  they  do  not  cover  exactly  the  same  period. 


38  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

1913.  1912.  1911.  1910. 

$50  and  less  than  $100 1,346  965  1,238  902 

$100  or  more 1,267  868  788  453 

Total    12,124  9,317  10,987  11,111 

According  to  this  table  in  1913,  4,473  persons,  or  more  than  one-third  of 
those  committed  for  non-payment  of  fines  were  committed  because  they  were 
unable  to  pay  fines  of  less  than  $15;  2,305  more  could  not  pay  fines  ranging 
from  $15  to  $20,  so  that  more  than  one-half  of  all  the  12,124  persons  com- 
mitted for  non-payment  of  fines  were  setving  terms  at  the  House  of  Correc- 
tion because  they  could  not  pay  fines  of  less,  than  $20.  Fines  are  "laid  out" 
at  the  rate  of  50  cents  per  day,  and  these  fines  are,  therefore,  paid  in  two 
ways:  (.1)  by  the  taxpayers,  for  the  expense  of  maintenance  at  the  Bridewell 
is  46.2  cents  per  man  per  day  and  the  total  cost  of  maintenance  in  1913  was 
$290,814.78;*  and  (2)  by  the  men  and  their  families  in  privation  and  deep 
humiliation.  Many  states  and  cities  are  now  substituting  the  more  enlight- 
ened system  of  payment  of  fines  in  installments,  under  probation,  with  very 
satisfactory  results.  The  old  theory  was,  of  course,  that  fines  were  "worked 
out"  in  prison,  but  the  recent  report  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  on 
Prison  Labor  and  Management  House  of  Correction  shows  how  far,  in  prac- 
tice, we  have  departed  from  that  theory. 

The  following  tables  show  the  terms  for  which  prisoners  were  sentenced 
when  they  were  sentenced  only  and  not  fined,  and  the  terms  when  both  sen- 
tenced and  fined. 

TABLE    20.     TERMS    OF    THOSE     COMMITTED    TO     SERVE    SEN- 
TENCES IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION.  (NOT  INCLUD- 
ING THOSE  SENTENCED  AND  FINED):    1913. 

Term.  Number. 

Less  than  10  days 8 

10  days  and  less  than  1  month 14 

1  and  less  than  2  months 60 

2  and  less  than  3  months 47 

3  and  less  than  4  months 60 

4  and  less  than  5  months 18 

5  and  less  than  6  months 4 

6  and  less  than  7  months 469 

7  and  less  than  8  months 

8  and  less  than  9  months 8 

9  and  less  than  10  months 10 

10  and  less  than  11  months 5 

11  months  to  1  year  (inclusive) 192 

Total 895" 

TABLE    21.     TERMS    OF    THOSE     COMMITTED    TO     SERVE    SEN- 
TENCES IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION  IN  ADDITION 
TO   PAYING   FINES:    1913. 
Term.  Number. 

Less  than  10  days 281 

10  days  and  less  than  1  month 149 

1  and  less  than  2  months 346 

2  and  less  than  3  months 116 

3  and  less  than  4  months 208 

4  and  less  than  5  months 28 

5  and  less  than  6  months 6 

6  and  less  than  7  months 260 

7  and  less  than  8  months 6 

8  and  less  than  9  months 5 

9  and  less  than  10  months 31 

10  and  less  than  11  months 13 

1 1  months  and  over 241 

Total     717690" 

*This  is  not  the  net  cost,  because  the  labor  of  prisoners  earned  $64,190.51 
in  the  contract  industries.  The  net  cost  was,  therefore,  $226,624.27  or  36.05 
cents  per  man  per  day.  See  Report  by  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  City 
of  Chicago,  1914.  on  Prison  Labor  and  Management  House  of  Correction, 
pp.  15-16;  and  p.  60. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  39 

All  those  committed,  however,  do  not  pay  off  their  whole  fine  by  impris- 
onment, and  some  of  those  sentenced  do  not  serve  out  the  whole  of  their 
terms.  The  following  table  shows  how  the  prisoners  convicted  from  1908-1913 
obtained  their  release. 

TABLE  22.     METHOD   OF   RELEASE   OF   PRISONERS   COMMITTED 

TO  HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION:  1908-1913. 

How  Released.                                    1908.     1909.  1910.     1911.  1912.     1913. 

Expiration    of   sentence 8,156     7,940  8,280     7,934  7,045     8,584 

Paid  fine  to  House  of  Correction....     2,224    2,540  2,760    2,632  2,570    3,172 

Pardoned   by   Mayor 1,145       852  904       720  443       523 

Pardoned    by    Governor 4           2  4           3  16 

Pardoned  by  President  of  the  U.  S 2  

Paroled  by  U.  S.  Board  of  Parole 1      

Court  Orders   725       750  844     1,102  1,280     1,781 

Order   Other   Municipal   Authorities..          17          13  34         43  44         65 

Transferred  Detention  Hospital,  etc..          26         35  30         49  42         69 

Deaths    34         43  50         48  51         46 

Escapes   ^/ 2          4  7           1  4          6 

Total    12,333  12,181  12,913  12,533  11,480  14,252 

Circuit  Court  (Juvenile  Branch) 456       347       343      

Total    12,789  12,528  13,256  12,533  11,480  14,252 

According  to  this  table,  3,172  of  the  prisoners  who  were  convicted  in  1913 
because  they  could  not  pay  their  fine,  managed  in  some  way  to  get  enough 
money  to  pay  some  part  of  it  at  least.  Five  hundred  and  twenty-three,  or  3.7 
per  cent,  were  released  by  Mayor's  pardons,  but  the  statistics  do  not  show 
how  many  of  those  pardoned  were  sentenced  and  how  many  were  merely  ser- 
ving out  fines. 

To  summarize:  There  were  14,709  persons  committed  to  the  House  of 
Correction  in  1913.  Only  2,585,  or  17.6  per  cent  of  this  number,  were  com- 
mitted because  they  had  been  sentenced  to  imprisonment,  and  of  this  2,585 
who  were  sentenced,  2,074,  or  80.2  per  cent,  were  sentenced  for  short  terms 
varying  from  one  day  to  six  months.  Of  all  the  14,709  persons  committed 
only  511  had  committed  offenses  serious  enough  to  earn  them  a  prison  term 
of  as  long  a  period  as  seven  months.  The  great  majority,  more  than  80  per 
cent  of  these  14,709  persons  who  were  committed  were  not  imprisoned  because 
of  their  offenses  but  because  of  their  poverty.  That  is,  12,124  of  the  14,709 
men  and  women  in  the  House  of  Correction  were  there  only  because  they 
were  too  poor  to  pay  the  small  fines  assessed  against  them. 

Sec.  23.     Habitual  Criminals. 

The  publication  of  statistics  showing  the  number  of  previous  convictions 
of  those  who  were  adjudged  guilty  is  a  matter  of  great  importance.  It  is 
necessary  that  the  judge  should  know  before  passing  sentence  on  a  prisoner 
exactly  what  the  man's  record  has  been.  Statistics  showing  the  propor- 
tion of  convicted  criminals  who  have  been  convicted  before  have  long  been 
available  in  the  official  statistics  of  England,  France  and  Germany.  Very 
recently  New  York  has  inaugurated  a  most  admirable  system  of  finger  print- 
ing, which  is  used  at  present  for  all  persons  convicted  of  certain  offenses.  The 
person  is  finger-printed  immediately  after  conviction,  his  finger  print  can  be 
quickly  identified,  and  his  record  is  placed  before  the  judge  who  is  then  able 
to  pronounce  sentence  intelligently  on  the  basis  of  the  man's  actual  record.* 

*See  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Board  of  City  Magistrates  of  the  City  of 
New  York  (First  Division),  1913;  the  report  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  says: 
"The  right  to  finger-print  defendants  after  conviction,  in  such  cases  as  the 
Board  of  Magistrates  may  determine  upon,  was  put  in  force  early  in  the  year 
and  is  now  in  successful  operation.  *  *  *  Under  a  resolution  of  the 
Board,  we  first  began  with  those  convicted  of  intoxication,  which  resulted  in  a 
very  short  time  in  detecting  repeated  offenders,  men  and  women,  as  chronic 
drunkards.  These  prints  will  be  invaluable  when  the  Inebriate  Home,  which 
the  city  is  about  to  construct,  is  completed. _  *  *  *  Later  the  Board 
extended  the  system  to  those  convicted  of  "jostling"  (professional  pick- 
pockets), "mashers"  (insulters  of  women)  and  "rowdies."  (Pp.  30-35.  See 
also  pp.  61-62.) 


40  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

For  Chicago  no  statistics  are  available  either  in  the  police  or  court 
reports  showing  the  previous  convictions  or  sentences  of  those  arrested  and 
sentenced.  No  records  are  kept  anywhere  from  which  such  statistics  can  be 
compiled.  The  Department  of  Police  maintains  a  Bureau  of  Identification  with 
a  system  of  photographing  and  finger-printing,  but  it  is  largely  a  matter_  of 
chance  as  to  who  is  photographed  and  as  to  whether  the  record  of  a  crim- 
inal is  asked  for  before  he  is  sentenced,  the  judge  relying  largely  on  the 
statement  of  the  prisoner  and  the  memory  of  the  officer.*  In  general,  all 
persons  who  are  held  to  the  Grand  Jury  and  are  not  released  on  bail  are  taken 
to  the    Bureau,   photographed  and   finger-printed.     This  seems   a  very  unfair 


*The  recent  reports  of  the  Department  of  Police  publish  statistics  from 
the  Bureau  of  Identification  with  little  or  no  comment  or  explanations.  In 
one  of  the  earlier  reports  (1907),  however,  there  is  the  following  statement 
in  the  report  on  the  Bureau  of  Identification  made  by  Captain  Evans,  its 
superintendent:  "Many  of  our  Municipal  Judges  desire  records  of  persons 
brought  before  them,  and  during  the  past  year  I  have  supplied  a  large  num- 
ber of  such  records  to  our  Judges.  In  fact,  some  of  the  Judges  send  prisoners 
to  the  Bureau  to  find  out  if  they  have  criminal  records,  before  passing  sen- 
tence; and  they  show  excellent  judgement  in  the  subjects  selected,  as  in  the 
majority  of  cases,  upon  being  checked  up,  it  is  found  that  they  have  pre- 
viously passed  through  the  Bureau  on  criminal  charges.  All  subjects  are 
measured  and  checked  up  by  the  Bertillon  system,  and  also  the  Finger  Print 
system,  to  ascertain  if  they  have  previously  passed  through  this  Bureau  or 
other  similar  Bureaus  throughout  this  country  and  Europe.  If  there  is  no 
record  found  against  them,  then,  from  a  police  standpoint,  it  is  a  recommenda- 
tion of  good  character;  but  we  find  a  great  many  of  such  suspects  are  ex-con- 
victs and  ex-reformatories,  wanted  for  violation  of  parole  in  this  and  other 
states  or  wanted  for  forfeiting  their  bonds  in  Chicago,  or  elsewhere.  All  such 
persons  are  held  by  us  to  be  returned  where  they  are  wanted;  this  also 
includes  the  professional  thieves  arrested  and  photographed  in  other  cities  or 
penitentaries.  The  fact  that  out  of  1,660  suspects  brought  to  this  Bureau, 
655  of  them,  or  over  39  per  cent,  were  identified,  shows  conclusively  that  this 
system  should  be  followed  up.  Some  of  our  stations  are  very  efficient  in  doing 
so,  while  others  are  not.  While  the  identification  of  persons  arrested  may 
mean  little  or  nothing  to  the  average  citizen,  to  the  experienced  officer  it 
means  a  great  deal.  In  the  majority  of  cases  where  said  identifications  show 
the  persons  to  have  a  previous  criminal  record,  it  means  the  breaking  down  of 
the  prisoner;  this  is  followed  by  a  confession  which  ultimately  means  the 
recovery  of  stolen  property,  information  in  regard  to  other  thieves,  and  best 
of  all,  the  location  of  'Fences,'  where  stolen  property  is  disposed  of,  and 
which  are  schools  for  the  education  of  young  criminals." 

In  the  1909  report,  there  is  further  explanation  of  the  work  of  the  Bureau 
by  Captain  Evans:  "In  relation  to  photographing  persons  brought  to  the 
Bureau,  I  regret  to  state  that  comments  have  recently  been  made  by  officials 
and  others,  that  photographs  have  been  taken  of  persons  who  have  been 
simply  charged  and  found  guilty  of  violating  City  Ordinances.  This  is  not 
so,  unless  we  are  sure  that  the  persons  had  previous  criminal  record  here  or 
elsewhere.  A  very  large  number  of  people  and  some  officials  believe  that 
all  persons  brought  to  this  Bureau  are  photographed.  The  following  state- 
ment shows  conclusively  that  this  is  not  so:  For  instance,  out  of  the  8,282 
brought  to  the  Bureau  last  year,  only  3,175  were  photographed.  In  regard 
to  suspects,  these  are  persons  brought  to  the  Bureau  to  be  checked  up  to  see 
if  they  had  previous  criminal  records  here  or  elsewhere;  these  persons  are 
never  photographed  unless  we  find  that  they  had  a  previous  criminal  record, 
and  among  this  class  are  the  persons  who  are  fined  $50.00  or  more  by  the 
Municipal  Courts  and  by  general  order  are  brought  to  the  Bureau  to  be 
checked  up  to  see  if  they  have  previous  criminal  records.  I  am  pleased  to 
state  that  the  number  of  suspects  brought  to  the  Bureau  during  the  past  year, 
and  the  following  results  shown  in  connection  with  them,  is  very  creditable 
to  the  Department.  Of  the  3,258  suspects  brought  to  the  Bureau,  1,397  were 
identified  as  having  previously  been  here  or  had  records  elsewhere,  and  as  I 
stated  in  my  last  annual  report,  there  is  no  class  of  work  performed  by  the 
Department  which  tends  to  keep  professional  criminals  away  from  our  city 
as  this  does,  especially  those  wanted  for  violation  of  parole,  forfeiture  of 
bond,  etc." 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  41 

and  illogical  arrangement.  If  there  is  a  reason  for  photographing  a  man 
before  he  is  tried  and  while  he  is  still  only  a  suspect,  the  reason  should  apply 
equally  to  those  in  jail  and  on  bail.  A  practice  of  finger-printing  and  photo- 
graphing only  the  men  and  women  who  cannot  afford  bail  seems  hard  to 
justify. 

Last  year  (1913),  3,272  persons,  including  157  women,  were  photographed 
and  2,383,  including  136  women,  were  finger-printed.  There  were,  however, 
7  476  persons  (7,222  men  and  254  women)  taken  to  the  bureau  during  that  year. 
Of  these,  3,460  were  "suspects"'  and  the  others  were  those  brought  to  be 
registered.  The  following  table  shows  the  previous  records  of  2,575  men 
and  women   who  had   "criminal   records." 

TABLE  23.     NUMBER  BROUGHT  TO  THE   BUREAU  OF  IDENTIFI- 
CATION WHO  HAD  CRIMINAL  RECORDS  IN  THE  FOLLOW- 
ING INSTITUTIONS: 

Record  in  Joliet     540 

Record    in    Pontiac    288 

Record  in  County   Jail    116 

Record  in  House   of   Correction 1,041 

"Local   identification"*    590 

Total    2,575 

This  table  is  not  very  valuable  since  it  does  not  tell  us  why  these  2,575 
persons  were  brought  to  the  Bureau  of  Identification.  Were  they  "suspects" 
only  or  were  they  being  held  for  some  new  crime?  If  the  latter,  what  was 
done  with  them? 

The  following  table  shows  the  total  number  of  persons  brought  to  the 
bureau. 

TABLE   24.     NUMBER   OF   PERSONS   BROUGHT   TO   THE   BUREAU 
OF  IDENTIFICATION. 

Brought  to  the  Bureau 7,476 

N.  G.  cases* 744 

Photographs   taken    3,272 

Finger-prints  taken    2,383 

Number  identified    3,874 

A  table  is  given  showing  the  disposition  of  the  cases  that  passed  through 
the  bureau  as  follows: 

TABLE  25.     DISPOSITION    OF   CASES   WHICH    PASSED   THROUGH 

THE  BUREAU. 

Guilty   1,862 

Not   guilty    1,001 

Nolle  pros 131 

Stricken   off    288 

Own  recognizances   56 

No  bills 532 

Pending    146 

Total    criminal    cases 4,016 

"Suspects"   3,460 

Total  7,476 

This  table  is  not  very  enlightening.  It  does  not  show  us  whether  those 
found  guilty  were  those  who  were  found  to  have  had  previous  records;  or 
were  they  the  first  offenders  and  were  those  who  "got  off"  the  habituals? 
It  seems  clear,  however,  that  such  system  as  exists  of  photographing  and 
finger-printing  is  primarily,  if  not  exclusively,  for  those  arrested  on  felony 
charges.  No  records  are  kept  of  the  number  of  times  those  guilty  of  misde- 
meanors or  violations  reappear  and  are  resentenced  or  let  off,  as  the  case 
may  be.  Some  interesting  statistics  are  kept,  however,  at  the  House  of  Cor- 
rection. There  an  attempt  is  made  to  ascertain  from  those  committed  the 
number  of  previous  commitments.  The  following  table  shows  the  number  of 
first  offenders  and  habitual  offenders  in  1913. 

*These  terms  "Local  identification"  and  "N.  G.  cases"  are  used  in  the 
tables  in  the  police  report  without  explanation.  The  latter  seems  to  mean 
"unidentified." 


42  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

■JABLE  26.     NUMBER  OF  TIMES  PERSONS  OVER  16  YEARS  OF  AGE 
ADMIT  HAVING  BEEN  COMMITTED  TO  THE  HOUSE 
OF  CORRECTION:     1913. 

Number   of   Times.                       Men.  Women. 

1  time 7,815  679 

2  times 2,557  254 

3  times 1,106  126 

4  times 539  88 

5  times 308  72 

6  times 178  52 

7  times 225  51 

8  times 87  20 

9  times 11  26 

10  and  less  than  12  times 81  44 

12  and  less  than  15  times 96  46 

15  and  less  than  20  times 36  29 

20  and  less  than  30  times 34  47 

30  and  less  than  50  times 4  16 

50  and  less  than  70  times 12 

70  and  less  than  100  times 1 

100  times  and  over  * 2  5 

Total 13,141  1,568 

*One  man  and  five  women  said  they  had  been  there  101  times  or  more, 
and  one  man  said  this  was  his  301st  time. 

Sec.  24.     General  Summary. 
To  summarize  the  statistical  material  relating  to  arrest  and  trial,  the  fol- 
lowing points  should,  perhaps,  be  emphasized: 

1.  A  very  small  percentage  of  the  large  number  of  persons  arrested  are 
charged  with  serious  offenses.  Last,  year,  the  number  of  arrests  (charges) 
all  came  to  the  large  total  of  109,764,  but  only  11,203  of  these  were  felony 
charges,  even  according  to  the  police  classification,  which  includes  some 
offenses,  e.  g.,  petit  larceny  and  "contributing  to  delinquency,"  that  are  not 
felonies.  That  is,  according  to  the  police  classification  only  about  10  per  cent 
of  all  offenses  were  felony  charges.  The  Municipal  Court  statistics  show  even 
a  smaller  percentage  of  serious  offenses.  Out  of  121,333  cases  disposed  of  in 
the  criminal  branches,  including  all  preliminary  hearings,  criminal  and  quasi- 
criminal  cases  only  8,102,  or  7  per  cent,  were  preliminary  hearings  on  felony 
charges.  The  vast  majority  of  persons  arrested  and  the  vast  majority  of 
persons  tried  in  the  criminal  branches  of  our  Municipal  Court  are  petty 
offenders. 

2.  The  next  point  of  importance  is  the  fact  that  the  majority  of  the 
thousands  of  persons  who  are  brought  into  our  courts  are  discharged  without 
conviction.  The  statistics  of  the  criminal  branches  of  the  Municipal  Court 
show  that  out  of  the  121,333  cases  disposed  of  in  1913,  57.5  per  cent  were  dis- 
charged and  that  for  the  more  serious  crimes  the  percentage  of  discharges 
was  very  much  higher.  More  than  60  per  cent  of  all  felony  cases  were  dis- 
charged on  preliminary  hearings  alone  and  many  others  were  discharged  by 
the  Grand  Jury  and  by  the  Criminal  Court  without  conviction.  In  1912,  the 
only  year  for  which  statistics  of  final  disposition  in  the  Criminal  Court  were 
available,  the  number  of  convictions  was  only  13  per  cent  of  the  number  of 
preliminary  hearings,  making  a  total  of  87  per  cent  of  discharged  felony  cases. 

The  hardships  and  waste  of  this  system  are  obvious.  Following  the 
assumption  that  those  discharged  are  innocent,  then  57  per  cent  of  all  the 
121,333  persons  who  were  brought  into  the  Municipal  Court  for  felonies,  for 
misdemeanors,  or  for  violations  of  ordinances  were  innocent  and  should  not 
have  been  brought  into  court  at  all;  that  is,  more  than  60,000  persons  were 
brought  into  court  needlessly.  Nearly  all  of  these  persons  had  been  arrested, 
many  thousands  of  them  had  spent  hours  at  least  in  the  police  stations,  many 
hundreds  had  spent  weeks  or  months  in  the  County  Jail.  They  had  all  had  the 
humiliation  and  expense  of  being  arrested  and  tried,  and  the  taxpayers  had 
borne  the  cost  of  the  police  who  arrested  them,  of  the  police  stations  or  jails 
that  had  detained  them,  of  the  courts  and  judges  and  other  court  officials  who 

*In  1913,  8,102  felony  cases,  19,520  misdemeanors  and  93,711  violations 
(quasi-criminal)   were  disposed  of;  a  total  of  121,333. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  43 

had  been  part  of  the  machinery  that  tried  them.  There  is  more  than  this  to 
be  considered.  Unjustified  arrests  and  imprisonment  create  a  disrespect  for 
the  law  that  in  turn  breeds  lawlessness. 

In  New  York,  a  marked  decrease  in  the  number  of  unnecessary  arrests 
has  been  brought  about  by  the  increased  use  of  the  "summons"  in  the  last  few 
years.  The  last  report  (1913)  of  the  Board  of  City  Magistrates  of  New  York 
publishes  statistics  showing  that  the  percentage  convicted  or  held  has  in- 
creased from  54.5  per  cent  in  1910  to  72.8  per  cent  in  1913.  In  Chicago  the 
percentage  convicted  or  held  was  42.4  per  cent  in  1910  and  42.5  per  cent  in 
1913.  In  the  New  York  Magistrates'  report  the  following  statement  is  made 
with  regard  to  the  results  of  the  new  system:  "The  use  of  the  summons  was 
very  widely  extended  by  the  Inferior  Courts  Act  in  1910  in  order  to  avoid 
taking  citizens  needlessly  into  custody  *  *  *  i^  former  years  about  half 
of  those  arrested  were  a.djudged  not  guilty,  and  were,  therefore,  discharged. 
Since  1910  the  percentage  discharged  has  much  decreased,  indicating  great 
diminution  in  the  number  of  needless  arrests."* 

3.  The  next  point  of  interest  is  that  the  percentage  of  those  sentenced 
to  imprisonment  is  about  3  per  cent  of  the  total  number  charged.  This  again 
emphasizes  the  fact  that  the  machinery  of  courts  and  police  are  maintained 
largely  for  those  who  are  discharged  as  innocent  or  for  those  whose  offenses 
are  not  serious  enough  to  deserve  more  than  a  fine.  Out  of  109,711  persons 
arrested  in  1913,  only  141  were  sentenced  to  the  County  Jail,  1,935  were  sen- 
tenced to  the  House  of  Correction  and  2,182  were  held  to  the  Grand  Jury, 
altogether  3  per  cent  of  the  total,  and  of  those  held  to  the  Grand  Jury  (2.0 
per  cent)  the  proportion  given  prison  sentences  is  about  one-half.  It  seems 
beyond  question,  therefore,  that  not  more  than  three  out  of  every  hundred 
cases  brought  before  the  Municipal  Courts  by  the  police  department  are 
considered  serious  enough   to  be  given  sentences   of  imprisonment. 

4.  Another  important  and  closely  related  point  is  the  fact  that  more  than 
80  per  cent  of  the  persons  committed  to  the  House  of  Correction  are  there 
for  the  non-payment  of  fines.  The  Municipal  Court  statistics  show  that 
although  only  about  two  thousand  persons  were  sentenced  to  imprisonment, 
more  than  twelve  thousand  others  were  committed  to  the  House  of  Correc- 
tion for  the  non-payment  of  fines.  The  statistics  furnished  by  the  House  of 
Correction  show  that  82.4  per  cent  of  the  persons  committed  in  1913  were  com- 
mitted only  for  the  non-payment  of  fines.  In  1912,  82.6  per  cent  were  com- 
mitted for  the  non-payment  of  fines;  in  1911,  85.8  per  cent  and  in  1910,  87.3 
per  cent  were  committed  for  this  reason. 

That  this  system  which  virtually  sends  men  to  jail  because  of  their  pov- 
erty is  not  only  unjust  but  demoralizing  to  the  individual  and  costly  to  the 
state  is  now  becoming  widely  recognized.  In  many  places  the  more  enlight- 
ened system  has  been  adopted  of  suspending  sentence  and  sending  the  man 
back  to  his  family  and  his  "job,"  and  allowing  him  to  pay  back  his  fine  in 
small  installments.  This  installment-fine  system  was  adopted  in  Massachusetts 
in  1909,  and  has  been  more  widely  used  each  year  in  that  state.  It  is  also 
used  at  the  present  time  in  New  York,  in  Indianapolis,  in  Kansas  City  and  in 
Cleveland.  Chicago  would  not  be  making  a  hazardous  experiment  if  she 
released   the  85  per   cent  of  offenders   in   the    House   of   Correction  who   are 


*See  discussion  of  "The  Summons"  and  "Needless  Arrests,"  Annual  Report 
of  the  Board  of  City  Magistrates  of  the  City  of  New  York  (First  Division), 
1913,  p.  97.  The  Report  of  New  York  Criminal  Courts  Committee  contains 
the  following  paragraph  regarding  the  success  of  the  new  system:  "The  use 
of  the  summons,  which  has  proved  so  beneficial  in  practice,  has  been  extended 
by  providing  that  the  summons  may  be  used  in  cases  of  violations  of  the 
Sanitary  Code  or  failure  to  observe  regulations  of  the  various  City  Depart- 
ments, thus  permitting  such  cases  as  spitting  on  the  sidewalk  and  smoking 
in  the  subway  to  be  brought  to  court  by  summons  and  not  subject  offenders, 
who  in  such  case  generally  err  through  thoughtlessness  or  ignorance,  to  the 
ignominy  of  arrest." 


44  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

there  for  the  non-payment  of  fines  to  go  back  to  work  under  the  supervision 
of  probation  officers.* 

5.  This  summary  is  not  complete  without  noting  the  fact  that  there  are 
no  available  statistics  either  in  the  police  reports  or  the  Municipal  Court 
reports  showing  the  number  of  previous  convictions  of  persons  sentenced.  If 
the  work  of  the  courts  and  penal  institutions  is  for  the  reformation  rather 
than  the  punishment  of  those  arrested  and  convicted,  it  is  of  the  first  import- 
ance that  the  first  offenders  be  distinguished  from  the  habitual  criminal.  The 
official  reports  of  England,  France  and  Germany  furnish  statistics  showing 
the  number  of  habitual  criminals  among  those  convicted,  and,  more  recently, 
New  York  has  taken  a  step  in  advance  of  Chicago  by  inaugurating  an  excel- 
lent system  of  finger-printing  all  convicted  persons  of  certain  classes  and 
placing  the  record  of  each  person  before  the  judge  in  order  that  sentence 
may  be  pronounced  that  is  in  some  measure  likely  to  be  the  treatment  needed 
and  merited. 

6.  In  conclusion,  the  importance  of  collecting  and  publishing  adequate 
statistics  relating  to  crime  in  a  great  city  like  Chicago  may  be  emphasized. 
In  this  part  of  the  report,  it  has  been  pointed  out,  for  example,  that  there 
are  no  published  statistics  available  for  Chicago  showing  the  number  of 
"crimes  known  to  the  police,"  the  number  of  habitual  offenders,  the  number 
of  persons  discharged  by  the  Grand  Jury  and  the  Criminal  Court,  the  number 
of  discharged  persons  who  have  not  only  been  arrested  and  tried  but  who 
have  been  imprisoned  one  or  more  days  in  a  police  station  or  for  a  longer 


*This  system  has  been  recommended  by  the  Chief  Probation  Officer  of 
the  Adult  Probation  Office  of  Cook  County  in  his  two  annual  reports. 
In  Massachusetts  during  the  year  1913,  $49,304.09  of  fines  imposed  was  col- 
lected by  probation  officers  from  persons  on  probation.  The  last  report  of 
the  New  York  State  Probation  Association  contains  the  following  statement 
regarding  the  practice  of  collecting  fines  in  installments  from  persons  on  pro- 
bation in  that  state:  "Never  was  there  a  wider  recognition  than  at  present 
of  the  injustice  and  social  short-sightedness  of  the  prevailing  fine  system, 
whereby  defendants  unable  to  pay  their  fines  in  full  at  the  time  of  conviction 
are  ordinarily  obliged  to  suffer  imprisonment  at  the  rate  (in  this  State)  of 
one  day  for  each  unpaid  dollar  of  the  fine.  As  has  repeatedly  been  pointed 
out,  this  equivalent  to  imprisonment  for  debt,  and  the  persons  thereby  made 
tc  suffer  the  most  are  often  the  innocent  wives  and  children. 

"Although  the  actual  amount  of  the  fines  reported  above  as  collected  by 
probation  officers  in  installments  from  persons  permitted  to  earn  and  pay  their 
fines  while  on  probation  looks  small,  it  is  very  gratifying  (in  view  of  the 
humanitarian  benefits  of  this  means  of  collecting  fines)  to  know  that  the  col- 
lections nearly  doubled  during  the  past  year.  In  cases  where  the  requiring 
of  large  installments  would  inflict  hardship  upon  the  probationer  or  his  family, 
the  court  usually  allows  the  installments  to  be  small,  often  not  more  than 
fifty  or  twenty-five  cents  a  week,  or  even  less.  While  the  ordinary  fine  system 
may  be  said  to  place  a  price  upon  the  commission  of  offenses,  the  collection 
of  fines  from  probationers,  in  installments  has  as  it  object,  in  most  cases,  not 
so  much  the  enacting  of  a  money  penalty  as  the  exerting  of  a  disciplinary  and 
reformatory  influence."  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Newr  York  State  Proba- 
tion Commission  (1912),  pp.  27-28,  "Installment  Fines." 

In  the  Municipal  Court  of  Kansas  City,  the  system  of  installment  fines  was 
instituted  in  1912  and  the  last  (1913)  report  of  the  Court  says:  "The  install- 
ment fine  plan  has  continued  to  work  out  in  the  manner  described  in  the  last 
report.  It  is  no  longer  in  an  experimental  stage  and  has  become  a  perma- 
nent institution  in  the  work  of  this  Court.  *_  *  *  Up  to  this  date,  of  all 
those  who  have  been  given  the  chance  to  pay  in  installments  only  2  per  cent 
have  come  back  on  second  offenses,  while  at  least  25  per  cent  of  all  those 
brought  into  court  are  "repeaters."  Annual  Report  of  Division  No.  2  of  the 
Municipal  Court  of  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  1913. 

In  the  City  Court  of  Indianapolis,  the  system  of  installment  fines  was 
established  in  1910,  and  the  last  (1912)  report  of  the  Court  reported  that  "The 
payment  of  money  fines  on  installments  is  a  most  important  feature  of  the 
work  of  the  Court.  *  *  *  During  the  36  months  that  this  plan  has  been 
in  operation  these  probationers  have  paid  into  the  Court  the  sum  of  $27,410.00." 
Out  of  1,211  persons  placed  on  probation  in  1912,  69  had  failed  to  keep  their 
agreement  with  the  Court  and  had  been  ordered  re-arrested. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  45 

period  in  the  County  Jail,  the  length  of  term  of  persons  sentenced,  the 
amount  of  fine  assessed* — to  mention  only  some  of  the  most  significant 
omissions  in  our  Chicago  crime  statistics.! 

Chicago  has  been  making  satisfactory  progress  towards  the  proper  col- 
lection of  vital  statistics.  We  are  included  in  the  "registration  area"  for 
mortality  statistics  under  the  supervision  of  the  Federal  Census  Bureau,  and 
there  is  reason  to  hope  that  before  the  close  of  the  next  session  of  the  Legis- 
lature we  shall  become  part  of  the  federal  birth-registration  area.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  progress  will  also  be  made  towards  the  proper  collection  of 
statistics  of  crime,  so  that  when  the  federal  census  is  ready  to  do  for  criminal 
statistics  what  it  has  done  for  vital  statistics  we  shall  be  prepared  to 
co-operate  without  delay. 

Criminal  statistics  show  us  where  we  are  going  in  the  treatment  of  per- 
sons convicted  and  accused  of  crime.  Lives  are  really  destroyed,  not  only  by 
death  but  whenever  the  efficiency  of  men  or  women  is  so  impaired  that  they 
are  thrown  on  the  human  scrap-heap.  It  is,  therefore,  no  exaggeration  to  say 
that  the  importance  to  human  welfare  of  a  careful  examination  by  the  com- 
munity of  its  statistics  of  crime  is  scarcely  less  than  the  study  of  statistics 
of  mortality  and  morbidity.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  point  out  the  importance 
of  knowing  the  number  and  the  percentage  of  needless  and  unjust  arrests,  and 
arrests  for  trifling  ofifenses,  the  number  and  the  percentage  of  persons  im- 
prisoned for  the  non-payment  of  fines,  the  prevalence  of  small  fines  and  short 
sentences.  The  arrest  in  a  single  year  of  110,000  persons  in  a  city  with  an 
adult  population  of  about  a  million  and  a  half  persons  is  a  matter  of  grave 
importance,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  community  to  inquire  why  these  persons 
were  arrested,  and  what  has  been  done  with  them  and  for  them. 


^Statistics  are  always  given  showing  the  total  number  of  persons  fined 
and  total  amount  of  fines  assessed,  but  what  is  wanted,  of  course,  is  not  the 
"average  fine,"  which  can  be  computed  from  these  data,  but  a  table  showing 
the  number  of  persons  assessed  fines  of  varying  amounts. 

fSee  the  report  of  John  Koren,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Statistics, 
American  Institute  of  Criminal  Law  and  Criminology,  in  the  Journal  of 
Criminal  Law  and  Criminology,  Vol.  II:  569  (Nov.,  1911),  for  a  list  of  items 
relating  to  the  judicial  process  on  which  it  is  suggested  statistics  should  be 
furnished  by  the  courts. 


46  REPORT  OF   CRIxME   COMMITTEE 

Part  II 

STATISTICS  RELATING  TO  SOCIAL  STATUS  OF 

OFFENDERS 


The  Committee  on  Statistics  of  the  Americaji  Institute  of  Criminal  Law 
and  Criminology  in  its  statement  of  the  minimum  requirements  of  Criminal 
Court  records  reported  that  court  statistics  should  furnish  information  not 
only  regarding  the  criminal  process  but  should  furnish  also  the  following 
data  regarding  the  social  status  of  the  defendants:*  Age,  sex,  color,  race, 
birthplace  of  parents,  conjugal  condition,  education,  occupation,  citizenship 
and  previous  convictions.  It  is  important  to  note  that  the  reports  of  the  Muni- 
cipal Court  of  Chicago,  excellent  as  they  are  on  the  whole,  do  not  contain 
information  on  one  of  these  points.  The  reports  of  the  police  department, 
however,  furnish  some  of  the  information.  Statistics  showing  age,  sex,  con- 
jugal condition,  color,  nationality,  and  occupations  are  given  in  the  police 
reports.  Statistics  regarding  education,  citizenship  and  previous  convictions 
are  not  furnished  in  Chicago  either  in  the  police  or  court  reports.  Moreover, 
it  should  be  noted  that  the  police  statistics  relating  to  nationality  and  occupa- 
tion are  far  from  satisfactory.  The  table  of  occupations  is  not  very  dependable 
since  the  occupations  of  more  than  10  per  cent  are  not  given  at  all.  The  statis- 
tics for  "nativity"  are  not  at  all  equivalent  to  the  more  accurate  data  regard- 
ing "race,  birthplace  and  birthplace  of  parents"  recommended  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Criminal  Statistics. 

In  the  following  pages,  then,  such  statistics  as  are  available  regarding  the 
social  status  of  those  arrested  in  Chicago  are  presented.  It  should  be  ex- 
plained that  in  all  the  tables  that  follow,  the  statistics  relate  to  "persons 
arrested"  and  not  to  "charges."  Since  nearly  all  the  tables  in  Part  I  dealt  with 
"charges"_  instead  of  with  "persons  arrested,"  the  1913  total  in  the  two  parts 
will  be  dififerent.f 

Sec.  1.    Age  and  Sex  of  Chicago  Offenders. 

In  the  following  table  are  presented  statistics  from  the  Annual  Report  of 
the  Police  Department,  1913,  showing  the  age  and  sex  of  the  persons  arrested 
in  1913: 

TABLE  27.     NUMBER  OF   MEN   AND   WOMEN   ARRESTED   BY  AGE 

GROUPS. 
Male 
Age  No.     Per  cent 

Under    16yrsofage        40         * 
From  16  to  19  yrs.  12,151       12.7 
From  20  to  24  yrs. 23,433       24.61 
From  25  to  29  yrs.  19,500       20.4  [69.2 
From  30  to  39  yrs. 23,093       24.2 J 
From  40  to  49  yrs. 11,478       12.0 
From  50  to  59  yrs.   4,401         4.6 
60  years  and  over..    1,390         1.5 

Total     95,486     100.0 

Per    cent     89.0      

*Less  than  1  per  cent. 


Female 

Total 

No.     Per  cent 

No.     Per  cent 

6          .1 

46        * 

817        6.9 

12,968       12.  n 

3,639      30.9  \  85.0 

27,072      25.3 

2,776      23.6  ( 

22,276      20.8   ' 

2,767       23.5  J 

25,860      24.1 

1,307       11.1 

12,785       11.9 

355        3.0 

4,756        4.4 

105          .9 

1,494        1.4 

11,771     100.0 

107,257     100.0 

11.0      .... 

lOO.O      .... 

82.3 


*See  Journal  of  Criminal  Law  and  Criminology,  Vol.  I:  426  (Sept.,  1910). 

tSee  Table  1,  note,  in  Part  I  of  this  report.  In  1913  there  were  107,257 
"persons  arraigned"  and  109,764  "charges,"  so  that  there  were  2,507  cases  of 
more  than  one  charge  against  the  same  person.  It  should,  however,  be 
explained  further  that  if  the  same  person  is  arrested  at  different  times,  this 
is,  of  course,  counted  as  two  arrests  since  there  is  in  Chicago  no  method  of 
counting  repeaters. 

For  this  reason,  our  statistics  showing  "number  of  persons  arrested,"  do 
not  bear  comparison  in  any  exact  way  with  English  statistics,  since  the 
English  method  is  to  count  each  person  arrested  only  once,  and  if  anyone  is 
arrested  more  than  once,  this  fact  appears  in  the  statistics  of  previous  con- 
victions. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  47 

This  table  shows  that  in  Chicago,  as  in  all  other  parts  of  this  and  other 
countries,  the  great  majority  of  the  persons  charged  with  crimes  or  mis- 
demeanors are  adult  males  between  twenty  and  forty  years  of  age.  Thus,  in 
Chicago,  89  per  cent  of  those  arrested  were  males,  and  69.2  per  cent  of  the 
total  number  of  males  arrested  were  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty. 
It  is  important  to  note,  however,  that  in  Chicago  a  large  number  of  boys 
under  twenty  are  among  those  arrested.  Last  year  more  than  12,000  boys 
between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  twenty  were  arrested.  Looking  at  the  table 
of  percentages  carefully,  it  is  clear  that  youth  is  an  important  factor  in  crime 
and  disorder.  Thus  12.1  per  cent  were  under  twenty  years  of  age,  57.7  per 
cent  were  under  thirty,  and  81.9  per  cent  were  under  forty  years  of  age. 
Sec.  2.     Chicago's  Women  Offenders. 

Table  27,  which  shows  that  only  11  per  cent  of  the  persons  arrested  in 
Chicago  in  1913  were  women  and  girls,  should  be  compared  with  the  follow- 
ing table  from  the  most  recent  United  States  Census  Report  on  Prisoners. 
This  report,  published  in  1910,  gives  the  following  statistics  regarding  the  sex 
of  prisoners  committed  during  1910  to  the  two  state  penitentiaries  of  Illinois, 
the  Cook  County  Jail,  and  the  Chicago  House  of  Correction. 
TABLE  28.  SEX  OF  PERSONS  COMMITTED  TO  ILLINOIS  STATE 
PENITENTIARIES,  COOK  COUNTY  JAIL,  AND 
HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION. 

Male  Female  Total 

Committed  to  No.     Per  cent     No.     Per  cent     No.       Per  cent 

State   penitentiaries    (Joliet   and 

Menard)    821       97.3  23        2.7  844       100.0 

Cook    County   Jail    595      90.2  65        9.8  660       100.0 

Chicago    House    of    Correction.  11,410      89.3       1,379       10.7       12,789       100.0 

This  table  is  of  interest  in  showing  that  the  percentage  of  women  prison- 
ers is  greatest  in  the  House  of  Correction  and  smallest  in  the  penitentiary, 
where  only  2.7  per  cent  of  the  prisoners  are  women. 

Examining  the  statistics  in  Table  27  relating  to  the  age  of  the  women 
arrested,  it  appears  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  women  are,  like  the  men, 
under  forty  years  of  age.  Seven  per  cent  were  young  girls  between  the  ages 
of  sixteen  and  twenty,  61.5  per  cent  were  under  thirty,  and  85  per  cent  were 
under  forty  years  of  age. 

With  more  than  eleven  thousand*  women  and  girls  arrested  in  a  single 
year,  it  seems  important  to  bring  together  such  other  statistics  as  are  avail- 
able relating  to  Chicago's  women  ofifenders.  The  question  of  greatest  inter- 
est is  probably  the  reason  for  their  arrest. 

The  following  tables  show  the  number  of  charges  against  the  women 
arrested,  the  character  of  the  charges,  i.  e.,  whether  they  were  felonies  or  mis- 
demeanors, and  the  disposition  of  the  cases  in  the  Municipal  or  Criminal 
Court. 

TABLE  29.     CHARGES:     MEN  AND  WOMEN  OFFENDERS,  1913. 

Men.  Women. 

OfTenses.  Number.  Per  Cent.  Number.         Per  Cent. 

Felonies    10,237  10.5  966  7.8 

Misdemeanors    87,156  89.5  11,405  92.2 


Total    97,393  100.0  12,371  100.0 


*The  police  report  shows  11,771  women  arraigned,  but  it  should  be 
pointed  out  that  the  number  of  women  arrested  was  probably  considerably 
larger  than  this.  In  the  year  1912,  for  example,  there  were  9,561  women 
arraigned,  but  the  police  matron's  report,  published  in  the  General  Super- 
intendent's report  for  that  year,  showed  12,631  women  and  1,851  young  girls 
arrested  and  brought  to  the  different  police  stations  in  the  same  year.  Un- 
fortunately, the  chief  matron's  report  is  not  included  in  the  report  for  1913.' 
The  following  table  showing  the  number  brought  to  the  different  precinct 
stations  is  taken  therefore  from  the  report  for  1912: 

Women   arrested    12,631 

Young  girls   arrested 1,851 


Total     14,482 

As  a  matter  of  fact  even  this  total  of  14,482  women  and  girls  arrested  is 
very   far   still    from   the    total    number    of   wretched,    degraded,    criminal,    or 


48  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

Table  29  shows  that  less  than  8  per  cent  of  the  women  arrested  were 
charged  with  felonies  and  that  92.2  per  cent  were  charged  only  with  misde- 
meanors. Corresponding  statistics  for  the  men  arrested  are  presented  in 
the  same  table,  and  show  that  10.5  per  cent  of  the  men  were  arrested  on 
felony  charges  and  89.5  per  cent  for  misdemeanors;  that  is,  a  slightly  larger 
percentage  of  the  men  than  of  the  women  are  charged  with  serious  offenses.  A 
comparison  between  the  percentages  of  men  and  women  convicted  and  dis- 
charged, which  is  also  important,  is  presented  in  Table  30. 
TABLE  30.  NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  MEN  AND  WOMEN 
CONVICTED  AND  DISCHARGED. 

Men.  Women. 

Disposition  Number.  Per  Cent.  Number.         Per  Cent. 

Convicted  and  held 43,629  44.8  5,946  48.1 

Discharged    53^64  55.2  6,425  51.9 

Total  number  arrested...  97,393  100.0  12,371  100.0 

Although  the  total  number  of  men  arrested  is  almost  eight  times  the 
number  of  women  arrested,  this  table  shows  that  the  percentage  of  convictions 
is  slightly  higher  among  women  than  among  men.  This  may  be  due  to  the 
fact,  shown  in  the  next  table,  that  a  larger  percentage  of  the  women  who  are 
convicted  are  fined  and  that  convictions  are  more  easily  secured  for  that 
reason. 

TABLE  31.     DISPOSITION  OF  CASES  OF  MEN  AND  WOMEN  CON- 
VICTED. 

Men.  Women. 

Disposition  Number.  Per  Cent.  Number.         Per  Cent. 

Sentenced    2,379  5.4  163  2.8 

Fined    38.697  88.7  5,437  91.4 

Paroled    1,597  3.7  321  5.4 


dependent  women   who   passed  through   the   police   stations   during  the  year. 

The  following  table,  taken  from  the  chief  matron's  report,  is  imfortant  enough 

to  be  included: 

Disposition  of  Women  Brought  to  Police  Stations,  1912. 
(FROM  CHIEF  MATRON'S  REPORT.) 

Sent  to  House  of  Correction 1,032 

Sent  to  House  of  Good  Shepherd 82 

State  Home  for  Female  Juvenile  Court 577 

Sent  to  Erring  Woman's  Refuge 17 

Sent  to  Martha  Washington  Home 21 

Held  to  Criminal  Court 144 

Sent  to  County  Jail 12 

Fined  2,908 

Released  on  Peace  Bonds 121 

Discharged  by  the  Court 5.371 

Held  as   Witnesses 2,318 

Insane  Women  Sent  Home 88 

Insane  Women   Sent  to  Detention   Hospital 205 

Runaway  Girls  Returned  to  their  Parents 300 

Runaway  Girls  Returned  to  Institutions 24 

Destitute  Women  Sent  to  County  Agent 37 

Destitute  Women  Sent  to  Home  for  the  Friendless 50 

Destitute  Women  Sent  to  Aid  Societies 26' 

Destitute   Women,   Employment   Found 73 

Sick  Women  Sent  Home 127 

Sick   Women   Sent   to   Hospital 135 

Women  Lodgers    1,617 

Lost  Womci  Returned  to  their  Homes 161 

Children  Lodgers  1  255 

Destitute  rV'ilrlren  Sent  to  Home  for  the  Friendless '  20 

Destitute  Children  Handed  over  to  Humane  Society 2 

Lost  Children   Sent  Home 2  731 

Foundlings  Sent  to  St.  Vincent's   Infant  Asylum '  34 

Foundlings   Sent  to  Foundlings'   Home 3 

^oys    •  •  • • '.'.'.   1,521 

Returned   to    Courts 3,459 

Total 24,47r  ; 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  4? 

Men.  Women. 

Disposition.  Number.  Per  Cent.  Number.  Per  Cent. 

Weekly    payments     or     peace 

bonds    956  2.2  25  .4 


Total  convicted   43,629  100.0  5,946  100.0 

From  the  statistics  of  disposition  presented  in  Table  31,  it  is  evident  that 
a  very  small  per  cent  of  the  men  and  women  convicted,  only  5.4  per  cent  of 
the  men  and  2.8  per  cent  of  the  women,  were  sentenced  to  imprisonment  of 
any  kind.  The  great  majority  of  those  convicted,  88.7  per  cent  of  the  men 
and  91.4  per  cent  of  the  women,  were  fined.  But  although  only  163  women 
were  sentenced  in  1913,  a  large  number  were  committed  for  the  non-payment 
of  fines,  and  the  records  of  the  House  of  Correction  show  1,568  women  were 
committed  there  in  1913.  The  large  proportion  of  women  fined  and  the  large 
proportion  committed  for  the  non-payment  of  fines  is  explained  by  an  exam- 
ination of  the  ofifenses  for  which  they  are  arrested.  Table  32  shows  the 
specific  offenses,  both  felonies  and  misdemeanors,  for  which  women  were 
arrested  and  convicted  in  1913. 

TABLE   32.     OFFENSES    FOR    WHICH    WOMEN    WERE    ARRESTED 

IN  1913. 
I.     Felonies  (including  all  larcenies.) 
Offenses.  Arrests.  Convictions. 

Abduction   and   kidnaping 8 

Abortion   5 

Arson 7 

Burglary    21  2 

Confidence  game   35  6 

Contributing  to  delinquency    80  43 

Embezzlement   and    forgery 11 

Larceny   639  254 

Malicious  mischief    13  3 

Murder  and  manslaughter 58  3 

Receiving  stolen  property 44  7 

Robbery    24  6 

Threats   to  kidnap   or  murder 5  3 

Other  felonies 16 

Total  Felonies    966  327 

Burglary  includes  Accessory  and  Attempted  and  Having  Burglar's  Tools; 
Larceny  includes  Accessory  and  Attempted;  Murder  includes  Accessory  and 
Assault  to  Commit;.  Robbery  includes  Accessory  and  Assault  to  Commit;  Con- 
spiracy, Counterfeiting,  Incest,  Perjury,  Abandonment  of  child  under  one  year 
old  (1  case).  Pandering  (1  case),  and  Bigamy  (3  cases)  are  included  under 
Other  Felonies. 

II.     Misdemeanors. 

— Convictions — 
Per  cent 
Num-        of 
Arrests.       ber.     Arrests 
"Disorderly   Cases"    (including  vice) 10,849         5,326        49.1 


Adultery,  etc 210 

Disorderly  conduct    6,229 

Inmates  of  disorderly  houses  and  houses  of  ill  fame  2,254 

Keepers  of  houses  of  ill  fame 418 

Inmates  or  keepers  of  opium  dens 22 

Street  walkers   1,645 

Vagrancy   71 


Miscellaneous    556  293        52.7 


Assault  86  37 

Carrying  concealed  weapons 16  13 

Inmates  of  gambling  houses 10  5 


Per  Cent 

Num- 

of 

Arrests. 

ber. 

Arrests. 

31 

3 

17 

13 

29 

9 

7 

3 

9 

5 

351 

205 

JO  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

— Convictions — 


Keepers  of  gambling  houses 

Motor  vehicle  violations 

Obtaining  money  or  goods  by  false  pretenses... 

Resisting    an    officer 

Selling  liquor   to  minors   or   drunks 

Other  misdemeanors  351 

Total  misdemeanors    11,405         5,619        49.3 

Total   felonies    966  327         33.9 

Total    all    offenses 12,371         5,946        48.1 

This  table  shows  that  the  different  forms  of  disorderly  conduct,  including 
under  this  classification  the  various  offenses  against  public  morals,  were 
charged  against  95  per  cent  of  the  women  arrested  for  misdemeanors  in  1913. 
The  percentage  of  convictions  was  very  much  higher  for  these  cases  than  for 
the  offenses  classified  as  felonies;  that  is,  33.9  per  cent  of  those  arrested  on 
felony  and  larceny  charges  were  convicted,  whereas  -49.1  per  cent  of  those 
arrested  for  the  "disorderly"  offenses  were  convicted.  It  is  also  of  special 
importance  to  note  that  more  than  one-third  (34.2  per  cent)  of  all  the  women 
arrested  for  misdemeanors  were  charged  with  the  specific  offenses  of  street- 
soliciting  or  being  inmates  of  houses  of  ill-fame.  According  to  the  Illinois 
Statutes  women  cannot  be  sentenced  for  these  offenses,  they  can  only  be 
fined.  All  of  those  interested  in  the  proper  care  and  treatment  of  women  of 
this  group  unite  in  condemning  the  system  of  fining.  _  The  Chicago  Vice 
Commission  recommended  the  abolition  of  fines  for  this  offense,  and  it  is 
safe  to  say  that  little  can  be  done  for  the  women  of  this  group  until  the 
present  method  of  treatment  is  radically  changed. 

Other  statistics  of  importance  concerning  the  women  offenders  of  Chi- 
cago are  those  showing  color  and  nationality.  The  following  table  presents 
the  statistics  given  in  the  police  report  concerning  general  nativity  of  the 
women  arrested  in  1913.  For  purposes  of  comparison  statistics  from  the 
federal  census  are  given  showing  the  general  nativity  of  the  female  popula- 
tion over  fifteen  years  of  age: 

TABLE  33.     GENERAL  NATIVITY  OF  WOMEN  OFFENDERS: 
CHICAGO   POLICE   REPORT:     1913. 

Female  Population  15 
Arrests.  Convictions.        Years  and  Over,  1910. 

Nativity.  Number.  Per  Cent.  Number.  Per  Cent.  Number.  Per  Cent. 
American — 

White    6,823  55.1  3,532  59.4  410,034  53.9 

Colored   1,827  14.8  1,019  17.1  17,962  2.4 

Foreign   3,721  30.1  1,395  23.5  332,267  43.7 


Total    ....    12,371  100.0  5,946  lOO.O  760,263  100.0 

According  to  this  table  *  the  foreign-born  women  form  a  very  small  per- 
centage of  the  women  arrested  in  1913  in  comparison  with  their  percentage 
of  the  population.  That  is,  although  43.7  per  cent  of  the  total  female  popu- 
lation fifteen  years  of  age  and  over  were  foreign  born,  only  30.1  per  cent 
of  the  women  arrested  and  only  23.5  per  cent  of  the  women  convicted  were 
foreign  born.  The  percentage  of  white  American  women  arrested  is  slightly 
in  excess  of  their  share  of  the  population  and  the  per  cent  of  white  Americans 
among  those  convicted  is  still  higher,  59.4  per  cent  of  those  convicted  and 
55.1  per  cent  of  those  arrested,  in  comparison  with  53.9  per  cent  of  the  female 
population  over  fifteen  years  of  age.f     It  is  the  colored  women,  however,  who 

*For  discussion  of  the  value  of  these  statistics,  see  the  section  on  "Crime 
and  Immigration." 

tThe  following  table  shows  the  number  of  women  belonging  to  the  vari- 
ous nationalities  together  with  the  percentage  distribution  of  the  population 
by  nationalities.  Unfortunately  it  is  not  possible  to  obtain  comparable  statis- 
tics of  the  female  population  by  nationalities.  So  the  percentage  distribution 
of  the  total  population  of  both  sexes  is  given.  It  is  pointed  out  in  the  section 
dealing  with  Immigration  and  Crime  that  this  results  in  a  comparison  unfair 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  51 

make  the  most  unfavorable  showing  in  this  table.  Although  the  colored 
women  form  only  2.4  per  cent  of  the  total  female  population  over  fifteen 
years  of  age,  14.8  per  cent  of  the  women  arrested  are  colored  and  17.1  per 
cent  of  the  women  convicted  are  colored.  This  disproportionately  large  share 
of  colored  women  offenders  may  be  attributed  largely  to  the  generally  unfor- 
tunate position  in  which  the  whole  colored  race  finds  itself,  the  difficulty  of 
securing  and  holding  employment,  the  difficulty  of  finding  suitable  places  to 
live,  the  proximity  of  segregated  vice  districts  to  colored  residence  districts, 
and  the  fact  that  because  of  the  assumption  that  they  belong  to  an  inferior 
race,  young  colored  women  find  themselves  in  a  peculiarly  defenseless  and 
unprotected  position. 

Sec.   3.     Statistics   Relating   to    Crime   and   Immigration   in   Chicago. 

The  next  item  of  importance  relating  to  the  social  status  of  offenders  for 
which  statistics  are  available  is  that  of  nativity.  It  has  already  been  pointed 
out  that  none  of  the  Chicago  reports  furnishes  information  regarding  "birth- 
place" or  "birthplace  of  parents"  of  offenders,  the  items  included  in  the 
minimum  requirements  as  laid  down  by  the  Committee  on  Statistics.  The 
"nativity"  of  persons  arrested  and  convicted  is,  however,  given  in  the  annual 
report  of  the  Superintendent  of  Police.  The  question  as  to  how  far  these 
statistics  of  "nativity  "  are  trustworthy  must,  of  course,  be  considered.  In 
general,  the  method  of  having  information  about  country  of  birth  hurriedly 
entered  by  a  police  officer  at  the  time  of  an  arrest  or  an  arraignment  would 
undoubtedly  result  in  many  errors.  It  is  quite  probable,  however,  that  the 
errors  would  be,  on  the  whole,  "unbiased";  that  is,  some  English-speaking 
immigrants,  whose  foreign  birth  was  not  easily  indicated  by  their  speech, 
would  probably  be  called  "American"';  but,  on  the  other  hand,  quite  as  many 
American-born  citizens  who  had  loyally  kept  their  foreign  names  or  who 
spoke  with  a  foreign  accent  would  undoubtedly  be  called  Italian,  Polish  or 
Russian.  It  should  be  noted  that  the  number  and  the  per  cent  of  colored  per-' 
sons  arrested  would  probably  be  correct. 

The  following  table  shows  the  general  nativity  of  those  charged  and 
convicted  in  1913,  together  with  the  general  nativity  of  the  population  fifteen 
years  of  age  and  over;  that  is,  the  population  subject  to  arrest.* 

to  the  immigrant,  particularly  to  those  belonging  to  the  races  of  the  "recent 
immigration";  this  fact  is  less  important  here,  however,  since  every  foreign 
group,  except  the  French,  shows  a  smaller  proportion  of  women  offenders 
than  their  share  of  the  population  entitles  them  to  have. 

NATIVITY    OF    WOMEN    OFFENDERS:     ALL    OFFENSES.     POLICE 

REPORTS,  1913. 

Per  Cent 
Distribu- 
tion, Chi- 
Arrests.  Convictions.       cago  Popu- 

Nativity.  Number.    Per  Cent.  Number.    Per  Cent,     lation. 

American — 

White    6,823  55.1  3,532  59.4  62.2 

Colored    1,827  14.8  1,019  17.1  2.1 

Foreign     3,621  30.1  1,395  23.5  35.7 

Austrian    414  3.3  168  2.8  6.0 

English     242  2.0  104  1.8  3.2 

French    59  .5  40  .7  .1 

German  1,052  8.5  364  6.1  8.3 

Greek    17  .1  4  .1  .3 

Hollanders    4  ...  2  ...  .4 

Irish    448  3.6  159  2.7  3.0 

Italian    183  1.5  92  1.6  2.1 

Russian     924  7.5  304  5.1  5.6 

Scandinavian     208  1.7  96  1.6  4.5 

Other    170  1.4  62  1.0  2.2 

Total 12,371  100.0  5,946  100.0  100.0 

*  The  population  above  the  Juvenile  Court  age,  that  is  17  years  for  boys 
and  18  years  for  girls  should  be  taken,  but  general  nativity  is  given  in  the 
census  only  by  age  groups,  and  15  to  20  is  the  nearest  age  group.  This 
method  of  comparing  the  general  nativity  of  those  arrested  or  convicted  with 


52  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

TABLE   34.     TOTAL    ARRESTS    AND    CONVICTIONS    BY    GENERAL 
NATIVITY.     (COMPILED  FROM  POLICE  REPORT,  1913.) 

Population 
;  I  Over  15  Years 

Arrests.  Convictions.  Per  Cent 

Nativity.  Number.      Per  Cent.    Number.     Per  Cent.  Distribution. 

American — 

White    63,578  57.9  29,429  59.4  50.9 

Colored    7,450  6.8  3,552  7.2  2.4 

Foreign    38,736  35.3  16,594  33.4  46.7 

Total    109,764  100.0  49,575  100.0  100.0 

Cornparing  first  the  distribution  of  arrests  with  the  distribution  of  the 
population  over  fifteen  years  of  age,  it  appears  that  the  Americans,  both  white 
and  colored,  have  a  larger  percentage  of  arrests  than  their  proportion  of  popu- 
lation entitles  them  to  have,  while  the  immigrant,  who  forms  46.7  per  cent 
of  the  population,  furnishes  only  35.3  per  cent  of  the  arrests.  Comparing  the 
convictions  with  population,  the  American,  both  white  and  colored,  makes  a 
still  more  unfavorable  showing;  that  is,  59.4  per  cent  of  the  convictions  were 
Americans  (white),  while  their  percentage  of  the  population  was  only  50.9 
per  cent,  whereas  the  immigrants,  who  formed  46.7  per  cent  of  the  population, 
were  only  33.4  per  cent  of  those  convicted. 

It  is  important  to  note  that  these  statistics  agree  with  the  results  of  other 
investigations  bearing  on  the  relation  between  crime  and  immigration.  The 
federal  Immigration  Commission,  for  example,  although  notoriously  in  favor 
oi  a  restrictive  policy,  said  quite  emphatically: 

"No  satisfactory  evidence  has  yet  been  produced  to  show  that  immigra- 
tion has  resulted  in  an  increase  in  crime  disproportionate  to  the  increase  in 
adult  population.  Such  comparable  statistics  of  crime  and  population  as  it 
has  been  possible  to  obtain  indicate  that  immigrants  are  less  prone  to  commit 
crime  than  are  native  Americans.* 

In  the  special  report  of  the  United  States  Census  on  Prisoners  in  Insti- 
tutions, the  statement  is  made,  after  an  analysis  of  the  statistics  presented, 
that  "The  figures  .  .  .  give  little  support  to  the  popular  belief  that  the 
foreign  born  contribute  to  the  prison  class  greatly  in  excess  of  their  repre- 
sentation in  the  general  population'';  and,  again,  it  is  said:  "It  is  evident  that 
the  popular  belief  that  the  foreign  born  are  filling  the  prisons  has  little  foun- 
dation in  fact.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  they  are  slightly  more  prone 
than  the  native  whites  to  commit  minor  offenses.     Probably  to  some   degree 

the  population  15  years  and  over  is  that  used  in  the  United  States  Census  of 
Prisoners,  1904.  In  the  introduction  to  that  volume,  the  following  explana- 
tion is  given:  "If  the  general  population  of  all  ages  be  taken,  the  basis 
for  the  comparison  will  not  be  equitable  for  several  reasons.  Inmates  of  the 
general  prisons  are  all  at  least  10  years  of  age  and  nearly  all  over  15.  For 
the  most  part  the  immigrants  are  between  15  and  40  years  of  age.  The  num- 
ber of  children  under  10  years  of  age  is  extremely  small  among  the  white 
immigrants  as  compared  with  the  native  whites.  In  view  of  these  facts  a 
comparison  of  the  proportions  of  each  nativity  class  in  the  white  prison 
population  with  the  corresponding  proportions  of  the  general  population  of  all 
ages  would  clearly  be  unfair,  for  the  inclusion  of  children  under  10  years 
of  age  would  so  increase  the  proportion  of  native  in  the  general  population 
that  it  would  seem  as  if  crime  were  more  prevalent  among  the  foreign  born 
as  compared  with  the  native  white  than  is  actually  the  case.  *  *  *  jn 
some  respects,  however,  a  comparison  with  the  total  white  population  10 
years  of  age  and  over  is  hardly  fair  to  the  foreign  born.  Very  few  prisoners 
are  under  the  age  of  15,  and  the  great  majority  of  prisoners,  94.5  per  cent  of 
the  whole  number,  are  males.  Therefore,  it  is  perhaps  more  significant  when 
the  percentage  of  foreign  born  among  white  prisoners  is  compared  with  the 
percentage  of  foreign  born  in  the  white  population  15  years  of  age  and  over, 
classified  by  sex."  (From  Special  Report  of  the  Census  Office:  Prisoners 
and  Juvenile  Delinquents  in  Institutions,  1904,  pp.  18-19.) 

*See  Reports  of  the  U.  S.  Immigration  Commission,  Vol.  36,  Immigration 
and  Crime,  page  1. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  53 

this  is  attributable  to  the  fact  that  the  foreign  born  whites  are  more  highly 
concentrated  in   urban  communities."  * 

The  question  as  to  whether  the  percentage  of  ofifenses  committed  by 
immigrants  is  greater  for  the  more  serious  crimes  than  for  the  lesser  ones 
is  of  interest.  The  Chicago  police  statistics  show  that  there  is  no  appreciable 
difference  in  the  proportion  of  immigrant  offenders  when  the  statistics  for 
felonies  and  for  misdemeanors  are  considered  separately.  The  following 
tables  show  the  number  of  arrests  and  convictions  for  felonies  and  for  misde- 
meanors instead  of  for  "all  offenses." 

TABLE  35.  GENERAL  NATIVITY  OF  PERSONS  ARRESTED  AND 

CONVICTED:   1913. 
I.     Persons  Arrested. 

Population 
Felonies.  Misdemeanors.  Total.  Over 


Nativity. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent.  15  Yrs. 

American — 

White    .... 

.   6,200 

55.4 

57,378 

58.2 

63,578 

57.9          50.9 

Colored    ... 

.    1,055 

9.4 

6,395 

6.5 

7,450 

6.8            2.4 

Foreign   

,.  3,948 
.11,203 

35.2 
100.0 

34,788 

35.3 
100.0 

38,736 
109,764 

35.3          46.7 

Total    . 

98,561 

100.0        100.0 

II.     Persons  Convicted. 

Population 

Fel( 

Dnies. 

Misdemeanors. 

Total.              Over 

Nativity. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent.  15  Yrs. 

American — 

White    .... 

.   2,389 

56.0 

27,040 

59.7 

29,429 

59.4          50.9 

Colored    . .  . 

,.      400 

9.4 

3,152 

6.9 

3,552 

7.2            2.4 

Foreign    

..   1,477 

34.6 

15,117 

33.4 

16,594 

33.4         46.7 

Total    ..   4,266         100.0  45,309         lOO.O  49,575         100.0         100.0 

These  tables  show  no  difference  between  the  percentage  of  immigrants 
among  those  arrested  for  felonies  and  for  misdemeanors;  in  each  group  of 
offenses  only  35.3  per  cent  were  foreign  born  in  comparison  with  46.7  per  cent 
which  is  the  immigrant  or  "foreign  born"  percentage  of  the  population  over 
fifteen  years  of  age.  The  percentage  of  immigrants  convicted  of  felonies  is, 
however,  1.2  per  cent  greater  than  the  percentage  convicted  for  misdemeanors, 
*hough  in  both  cases  the  percentage  of  immigrants  convicted  is  less  than  the 
percentage  of  immigrants  arrested,  and  very  much  less  than  the  per  cent  of 
immigrants  in  the  Chicago  population. 

These  statistics  seem  at  first  sight  not  to  agree  wholly  with  the  United 
States  Special  Census  Report  on  Prisoners.  In  the  census  report  statistics 
seemed  to  establish  the  theory  that  the  native  American  was  more  prone  to 
commit  serious  crimes  than  the  immigrant.  But  the  offenses  included  in  the 
Chicago  police  statistics  under  "felonies"  and  the  offenses  included  in  the 
census  classification  under  "major  offenses"  are  not  the  same.  It  must,  in 
the  first  place,  be  remembered  that  the  Chicago  police  statistics  classify  as 
felonies  some  offenses  that  are  only  misdemeanors,  and  that  some  of  these  are 
important  numerically.  Furthermore,  it  is  important  to  note  that  in  the  census 
classification  the  terms  "felony"  and  "misdemeanor"  were  discarded  and  a 
new  classification  into  "major  and  minor  offenses"  substituted.  The  most 
important   change   involved  in  the   new   classification   was  that  larceny  of  all 


*From  Special  Report  of  the  Census  Office:  Prisoners  and  Juvenile  De- 
linquents in  Institutions,  1904,  pp.  18-19,  40-41.  The  comparison  presented  for 
the  United  States,  as  a  whole,  was  as  follows: 

Among  white  prisoners  of  known  nativity  enumerated  June  30,  1904,  per 
cent  of  foreign  born,  23.7. 

In  the  general  white  population  15  years  of  age  and  over,  per  cent  of 
foreign  born,  1900^  total,  .21.9;  male,  23.0;  female,  20.7. 

See  also  p.  273,  Statistics  and  Sociology,  by  the  late  Professor  Mayo-Smith, 
of  Columbia  LTniversity:  "Care  must  be  taken  to  consider  the  greater  pro- 
portion of  adults  among  the  foreign  born.  Even  then  the  amount  of  crimi- 
nality may  be  due  to  the  strange  environment  in  which  these  foreigners  find 
themselves,  rather  than  to  any  influence  of  nationality." 


54  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

kinds,  grand  or  petit,  was  included  among  the  minor  ofifenses.*  In  the  Chi- 
cago police  reports  a  precisely  opposite  method  of  classification  is  used.  All 
cases  of  larceny  are  classified  as  felonies.  Such  offenses  as  taking  a  piece  of 
fruit  from  a  peddler's  pushcart,  or  grain  or  coal  from  a  neighboring  railway 
elevation  are  classed  as  "felonies,"  according  to  the  police  method.  These 
statistics  cannot,  therefore,  be  said  to  disprove  the  conclusions  drawn  in  the 
special  census  report  regarding  the  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  native  Ameri- 
can to  commit  more  serious  crimes  than  the  foreign  born.  This  fact,  that 
the  native  American  commits  the  more  serious  crimes,  undoubtedly  explains 
why  the  percentage  of  foreign  born  in  the  state  penitentiary  is  proportionately 
much  less  than  the  percentage  of  foreign  born  convicted.  For  this  certainly 
cannot  be  explained  by  an  undue  leniency  on  the  part  of  our  courts  to  the 
immigrant.  The  table  that  follows  presents  the  statistics  given  in  the  1910 
Census  Report  on  Prisoners  showing  the  general  nativity  of  the  prisoners  in 
the  state  penal  institutions,  in  the  Cook  County  Jail,  and  in  the  Chicago  House 
of  Correction. 

TABLE  36.     GENERAL   NATIVITY   OF   PRISONERS. 

A.  In  State  Penal  Institutions  of  Illinois 

(Joliet,  Menard,  and  Pontiac.) 

Distribution    of   popula- 
tion   over    15    years    of 
age  in  Illinois,  Chicago, 
Nativity  Number.       Per  Cent.  and  Cook  County* 

American — 

White   1,998  59.2  69.1 

Colored    873  25.9  2.1 

Foreign  born  502  14.9  28.8 

Total   3,373  100.0  100.0 

B.  In  the  Chicago  House  of  Correction. 
American — 

White   894  55.1  50.9 

Colored  150  9.2  2.4 

Foreign  born   580  35.7  46.7 

Total   1,624              100.0  100.0 

C.     In  the  Cook  County  Jail. 
American — 

White   60                63.8  43.9 

Colored    13                 13.8  2.4 

Foreign  born   21                22.4  53.7 

Total   94  100.0  100.0 

*The  per  cent  distribution  of  the  population  over  fifteen  years  of  age  is 

available  only  for  the  State  of  Illinois  and  for  Chicago.     In  the  corresponding 

column  for  Cook  County  the  per  cent  distribution  of  the  male  population  over 

twenty-one  years  of  age  was  substituted. 

It  seems   clear,   therefore,   that  the   statistics   show  beyond  any  question 

that    a    larger    proportion    of    crime    is    committed    by    the    native    American, 

*Except,  however,  when  the  term  of  imprisonment  was  for  more  than 
a  year.  The  new  classification  was  explained  as  follows:  "The  terms  'felony' 
and  'misdemeanor'  do  not  afford  a  proper  means  of  differentiating  the  more 
serious  crimes  from  the  lesser  ones.  .  .  .  To  avoid  the  confusing  use 
of  such  terms  this  report  distinguishes  between  major  and  minor  ofifenses.  All 
crimes  that  are  universally  held  to  be  of  a  grave  nature,  regardless  of  how 
they  happen  to  be  punished  in  individual  instances  have  invariably  been  classed 
as  major  ofifenses.  Among  them  are  the  most  aggravated  forms  of  offenses 
against  chastity  .  .  .  perjury,  counterfeiting,  and  various  violations  of 
the  United  States  laws;  all  the  specified  crimes  against  the  person;  and  arson, 
burglary,  forgery,  and  embezzlement  among  the  specified  crimes  against  prop- 
erty. The  rule  has  been  followed  of  classifying  larceny  and  a  number  of  other 
offenses,  which  may  or  may  not  be  of  a  serious  nature  as  minor  ofifenses  when 
the  term  of  imprisonment  was  not  for  more  than  one  year."  (From  Special 
Report  of  the  Census  Office:  Prisoners  and  Juvenile  Delinquents  in  Institu- 
tions, 1904,  pp.  28-29.) 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  55 

whether  white  or  colored,  than  by  the  immigrant.  That  our  immigrants  form 
the  criminal  element  of  our  population  today  is  clearly  a  myth  which  has  had 
a  hardy  survival  owing  to  our  desire  to  shift  responsibility  for  our  own  faults. 
No  facts  have  ever  been  found  to  substantiate  it. 

The  record  of  the  immigrant  is  in  fact  very  much  better  than  the  statistics 
show.  The  great  majority  of  all  those  arrested  are  poor  people,  and  the 
poorer  they  are  the  more  liable  they  are  to  conviction,  since  they  have  neither 
the  money  to  employ  able  counsel  nor  intelligence  enough  to  understand  how 
to  present  their  own  defense.  The  immigrant  is  engaged  in  occupations  that 
easily  involve  violations  of  the  laws.  The  peddling  and  junk  business,  for 
example,  is  largely  in  the  hands  of  immigrants,  and  undesigned  violations  of 
ordinances  (petty  misdemeanors)  are  common.  Moreover,  the  immigrant 
stands  a  chance  that  the  American  does  not  of  failing  to  understand  our 
laws  or  the  methods  of  our  police  or  our  courts.  We  have  no  system  in  Chi- 
cago of  official  interpreters,  and  the  immigrant,  particularly  the  immigrant 
from  southeastern  Europe,  is  certainly  at  a  disadvantage  in  a  court  where  he 
understands  no  one  and  no  one,  except  possibly  an  incompetent  interpreter, 
understands  him.  Keeping  in  mind  these  facts,  it  is  indeed  remarkable  that 
all  statistics  relating  to  this  subject  show  that  in  spite  of  all  handicaps  the 
immigrant  has  a  better  crime  record  than  the  rest  of  us. 

Statistics  are  also  available  showing  arrests  and  convictions  by  specific 
nationalities,  but  these  statistics  are  likely  to  be  even  more  inaccurate  than 
those  of  general  nativity.*  Moreover,  the  census  does  not  give  the  population 
of  Chicago  classified  by  age  and  country  of  birth.  There  are  given  statistics 
showing  the  male  population  over  twenty-one  years  by  nationalities,  and  as 
the  great  majority  of  arrests  are  of  this  part  of  the  population  and  as  tables 
have  already  been  given  showing  the  nationality  of  women  foffenders,  the 
tables  that  follow  deal  with  the  nationality  of  male  offenders,  and  in  these 
tables  the  per  cent  distribution  of  male  ofifenders  by  nationality  is  compared 
with  the  per  cent  distribution  of  the  male  population  over  twenty-one  years 
of  age.  The  following  table  shows,  therefore,  the  arrests  and  convictions  of 
male  offenders  together  with  the  per  cent  distribution  of  the  male  population 
over  twenty-one  years  of  age: 

TABLE  37.     NATIONALITY    OF    MALE    PERSONS   ARRESTED   AND 

CONVICTED    COMPARED    WITH    NATIONALITY    OF 

MALE  POPULATION   OVER  TWENTY-ONE 

YEARS   OF  AGE. 

Male  population 
over  21  years  of  age, 
Arrests  Convictions  1910 

Nativity  No.       Per  cent         No.       Per  cent  No.         Per  cent 

American — 

White    56,755  58.3        25,897  59.4        301,100  43.1 

Colored     5,623  5.8  2,533  5.8  17,845  2.6 

Foreign   35,015  35.9         15,199  34.8         379,850  34.3 

Austrian   3,683  3.8  1,650  3.8  78,545  11.2 

English   1,406  1.4  616  1.4  35,818  5.2 

French     203  .2  100  .2  

German   7,757  7.9  3,343  1.1  88,176  12.6 

Greek   1,731  1.8  976  2.2  4,496  .6 

Hollanders     228  .2  123  .3  4,623  .7 

Irish     2,540  2.6  999  2.3  30,793  4.4 

Italian    3,364  3.5  1,441  3.3  22,668  3.2 

Russian    8,546  8.8  3,645  8.4  59,664  8.5 

Scandinavian   3,071  3.2  1,423  3.2  46,755  6.7 

Other  2,486  2.5  883  2.0  8,312  1.2 

Total    97,393         100.0         43,629         100.0         698,795         100.0 

tSee  p.  51. 

*The  Immigrants'  Protective  League,  for  example,  reports  that  it  is  not 
uncommon  for  the  police  department  to  report  that  an  immigrant  has  been 
arrested  and  that,  for  some  reason,  the  services  of  the  league  are  required. 
When  the  police  are  asked,  "What  nationality  is  the  prisoner?"  in  order  that 


56  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

(In  this  table  Bohemian  and  Slavonian  are  included  in  Austrian;  Danish, 
Norwegian,  and  Swedish  are  classed  together  as  Scandinavian;  Scotch  and 
Canadian  are  included  under  English,  Lithuanian  under  Russian,  and  Chinese 
and  Swiss  under  others.  Polish  were  divided  among  German,  Russian,  and 
Austrian  according  to  the  method  of  distribution  adopted  by  the  1910  census, 
Population,  vol.  1,  p.  879.  The  same  classification  is  used  in  the  tables  in 
the  footnotes  on  pages  51   and  57.) 

This  table  shows  that  the  Americans,  white  and  colored  both,  show  a 
percentage  of  arrests  and  convictions  considerably  greater  than  their  per- 
centage of  population.  On  the  other  hand,  the  various  foreign  groups  show 
almost  uniformly  a  smaller  percentage  of  convictions  than  their  proportion  of 
the  population  entitles  them  to  have.* 

Sec,  4.     Occupations:  Conjugal  Condition. 

Data  regarding  occupations  and  conjugal  condition  are  next  in  the  list 
of  minimum  requirements  regarding  social  status  of  offenders.  The  Annual 
Report  of  the  Police  Department  for  1913  gives  a  list  of  76  different  occupa- 
tions, in  which  80,605  of  the  107,257  persons  arrested  were  engaged.  The  oc- 
cupations of  14,795  other  persons  were  not  specified,  but  were  grouped  to- 
gether as  "other  occupations;"  and  11,831  persons  were  returned  as  having 
"no  occupations."  It  is  probable  that  a  majority  of  women  offenders  would 
have  no  occupation  reported,  although  4,789  were  reported  as  "housekeepers," 
288  as  prostitutes,  and  3  as  midwives.  It  is  not  clear,  of  course,  whether 
"housekeeper"  means  more  than  "housewife"  or  not.  Since  the  statistics 
regarding  the  employment  of  women  are  obviously  not  satisfactory,  it  seemed 
well  to  exclude  the  women's  occupations  mentioned  above  along  with  the 
group  of  "no  occupations."  The  remaining  90,346  persons  whose  occupations 
were  returned  were  classified  in  the  police  court  into  74  occupations,  includ- 
ing the  miscellaneous  group  of  "other  occupations."  These  74  groups  have 
been  reclassified  in  thirteen  groups.  It  was  first  planned  to  classify  all  of 
them  into  large  occupational  groups  such  as  "professional,  men,"  "merchants 
and  tradesmen,"  "clerks  and  salesmen,"  and  "skilled"  and  "unskilled  laborers." 
There  were,  however,  a  few  occupations  that  were  so  important  numerically 
that  it  seemed  best  to  leave  them  as  independent  groups.  These  were,  in 
order  of  numerical  importance:  chauffeurs  and  liverymen,  peddlers,  saloon 
and  bar  keepers,  city  and  government  employes,  students,  soldiers  and  sailors, 
and  farmers.  The  following  table  shows,  therefore,  the  occupations  of  persons 
arrested  in  1913  reclassified  from  the  table  of  occupations  in  the  police  report. 

the  right  kind  of  interpreter  may  be  sent,  the  answer  is  likely  to  be,  "We 
don't  know  what  nationality  he  is.  He  can't  speak  anything  that  anyone 
here  can  understand."  It  is  safe  to  say  that  in  such  cases  the  "nationality" 
of  the  immigrant  is  not  likely  to  get  into  the  record  correctly. 

*The  Italians  show  an  excess  of  one-tenth  of  1  per  cent  in  convictions, 
and  this  is  surely  so  small  as  to  be  negligible!  And  the  Greeks,  who  form  .6 
per  cent  of  the  population,  form  1.8  per  cent  of  the  arrests  and  2.2  per  cent 
of  the  convictions.  That  is,  the  Greeks  have  1.2  per  cent  of  the  arrests  and 
1.6  per  cent  of  the  convictions  in  excess  of  the  percentage  justified  by  their 
proportion  of  the  population.  In  the  following  tables,  which  have  been  com- 
piled separately  for  felonies  and  misdemeanors,  it  appears  that  the  offenses  of 
the  Greeks  are  largely  misdemeanors.  That  is,  .7  per  cent  of  the  felony  con- 
victions were  Greek,  while  2.4  per  cent  of  the  misdemeanor  convictions  were 
Greek.  This  apparent  excess  of  "crime"  among  the  Greeks  is  undoubtedly 
due  to  the  .fact  that  the  Greeks  are  largely  engaged  in  the  peddling  business, 
and  violations  of  ordinances  would  undoubtedly  bring  them  to  court  often. 
A.     Nativity  of  Male  Persons  Arrested  and  Convicted  for  Felonies,  1913. 

Per  cent  distribution 
of  male  population 
Arrests  (Offenses)  Convictions      of  Chicago  21  years 

Nativity  No.         Per  cent         No.       Per  cent  and  over 

American — 

White    5,756  56.3  2,241  56.9  43.1 

Colored    882  8.6  354  9.0  2.6 

Foreign    3,599  35.1  1,344  34.1  54.3 

Austrian     401  3.9  158  4.0  lT2~ 

English     166  1.6  79  2.0  5.2 

French    22  .2  10  .3 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  57 

TABLE  38.     OCCUPATIONS  OF  PERSONS  ARRESTED  DURING  1913. 

*Occupations                                          •                             Number  Per  cent 

Professional   men    1,321  1.5 

Merchants  and  tradesmen    3,790  4.2 

Clerks,   salesmen,  etc 9,445  10.4 

Skilled    laborers     13,317  14.7 

"Laborers"  and  other  unskilled  workers 34,331  38.0 

Specified  occupations — 

Chaufifeurs  and  liverymen    7,668  8.5 

Peddlers 2,041  2.3 

Saloon  and  bar  keepers    1,871  2.1 

City  and   government  employes 790  .9 

Students    494  .5 

Soldiers   and    sailors    255  .3 

Farmers    202  .2 

Other   occupations    14,821  16.4 


Total    90,346  100.0 

fWomen's   occupations — 

Housekeepers    4,789 

Prostitutes   288 

Midwives    3 

No  occupation    11,831 


Total    107,257 


German    815  8.0  366  9.3  12.6 

Greek    139  1.4  29  .7  .6 

Hollanders    19  .2  8  .2  .7 

Irish    186  1.8  98  2.5  4.4 

Italian     392  3.8  108  2.7  3.2 

Russian    1,027  10.0  331  8.4  8.5 

Scandinavian    214  2.1  93  2.4  6.7 

Other    218  2.1  64  1.6  1.2 


Total 10,237  100.0  3,939  100.0  100.0 

Nativity  of  Male  Persons  Arrested  and  Convicted  for  Misdemeanor,  1913. 

Per  cent  distribution 


Nativity  No. 

American — 

White    50,999 

Colored    4,741 

Foreign    31,416 


Austrian     3,282 

English     1,240 

French    181 

German     6,942 

Greek    1,592 

Hollanders    209 

Irish     2,354 

Italian     2,972 

Russian    7,519 

Scandinavian     2,857 

Other    2,268 


of  male  population 

)ffenses) 

Convictions 

of  Chicago  21  years 

Per  cent 

No. 

Per  cent 

and  over 

58.5 

23,656 

59.6 

43.1 

5.4 

2,179 

5.5 

2.6 

36.1 

13,855 

34.9 

54.3 

3.8 

1,492 

3.8 

11.2 

1.4 

537 

1.3 

5.2 

.2 

90 

.2 

8.0 

2,977 

7.5 

12.6 

1.8 

947 

2.4 

.6 

.3 

115 

.3 

.7 

2.7 

901 

2.3 

4.4 

3.4 

1,333 

3.4 

3.2 

8.6 

3,314 

8.3 

8.5 

3.3 

1,330 

3.3 

6.7 

2.6 

819 

2.1 

1.2 

Total 87,156  100.0         39,690  100.0  100.0 

fThese  figures  are  in  accord  with  other  inquiries,  e.  g.,  U.  S.  Bureau  of 
Labor,  Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage-Earners,  Vol. 
XV,  in  their  evidence  showing  that  the  newer  industrial  and  commercial  occu- 
pations into  which  women  are  now  going  make  substantially  no  contribution 
to  the  criminality  of  women. 

*In  reclassifying  the  list  of  occupations  given  in  the  police  report  the  new 


S8  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

This  table  shows  that  a  very  small  minority  of  those  arrested  are  from 
the  well-to-do  groups.  Only  1.5  per  cent  are  in  the  group  called  professional, 
4.2  per  cent  were  classed  as  merchants  and  tradesmen,  10.4  per  cent  were 
clerks,  salesmen,  etc.,  while  38.0  per  cent  were  laborers,  teamsters,  and  other 
unskilled  workers  and  14.7  per  cent  were  skilled  workingmen.  Going  back 
to  the  tables  of  arrests,  it  will  be  remembered  that  the  great  majority  of  those 
arrests  are  for  petty  offenses;  and  since  the  rich  are  seldom  arrested  on  petty 
charges,  it  would  be  expected  that  the  great  majority  of  the  arrests  would  be 
arrests  of  people  who  were  poor,  or  at  any  rate  not  well-to-do. 

Statistics  of  conjugal  condition  are  also  furnished  in  the  police  report 
and  are  given  below.  These  statistics  are  not  very  valuable  because  they  are 
probably  not  accurate.  Married  men  will  sometimes  report  themselves  single 
when  they  are  arrested  for  petty  offenses,  and  it  would  seem,  too,  from  the 
fact  that  all  persons  are  reported  to  be  either  married  or  single  and  no  persons 
are  reported  with  their  marital  state  unknown,  that  the  police  statistician  may 
have  counted  as  "single"  those  for  whom  no  report  was  given.  The  follow- 
ing table  contains  such  statistics  as  are  furnished,  and  it  is  important  to  note, 
even  if  the  "single"  group  is  artificially  increased,  that  40  per  cent  of  the  men 
arrested  are  married.  This  means,  of  course,  that  the  humiliation  and  expense 
of  an  arrest  and  trial  are  shared  in  a  large  number  of  cases  by  others  than 
those  arrested. 

TABLE   39.     CONJUGAL   CONDITION    OF   PERSONS   ARRESTED 

IN  1913. 
Male.  Female.  Total. 

Conjugal  Condition.    Number.  Per  Cent.  Number.  Per  Cent.  Number.  Per  Cent. 

Married     38,351  40.2  5,163  43.9  43.514  40.6 

Single    57,135  59.8  6,608  56.1  63,743  59.4 

Total    95,486        100.0         1 1,771         100.0         107,257         100.0 

Sec,  5.     General  Summary. 

In  summarizing  the  most  important  points  relating  to  the  social  status 
of  those  arrested  in  Chicago,  the  following  points  should  be  enumerated: 

1.  In  Chicago,  as  in  all  other  places  for  which  statistics  are  available, 
the  great  majority  of  those  arrested  are  men.  In  1913  nearly  nine-tenths  of 
those  arrested  were  men.  The  number  of  women  arrested  was  not  only  very 
much  smaller  than  the  number  of  men,  but  the  women  were  arrested  for  less 
serious  offenses. 

2.  In  Chicago,  again,  as  in  all  other  places  for  which  statistics  are  avail- 
able, the  great  majority  of  those  arrested  are  young  persons;  57.7  per  cent 
of  all  the  men  and  61.5  per  cent  of  all  the  women  arrested  were  under  thirty 
years  of  age,  and  81.9  per  cent  of  the  men  and  85  per  cent  of  the  women  were 
under  forty. 

3.  The  problem  of  the  woman  offender  appears  from  the  statistics  of 
charges  to  be  the  problem  of  vice.  In  1913,  95  per  cent  of  all  the  women 
arrested  were  charged  with  the  different  forms  of  disorderly  conduct,  includ- 
ing under  this  classification  the  various  offenses  against  public  morals.  More 
than  one-third  of  all  the  women  arrested  were  charged  with  the  specific 
offenses  of  street  soliciting  or  of  occupying  a  house  of  ill-fame.     According 

groups  were  made  up  as  follows:  Under  professional  men  were  included  173 
actors,  71  artists,  176  attorneys,  17  clergymen,  89  dentists,  205  musicians,  590 
physicians;  under  tradesmen  440  bakers,  653  butchers,  82  confectioners,  145 
druggists,  81  florists,  255  growers,  152  jewelers,  185  junk  dealers,  1,605  mer- 
chants, 136  milkmen,  8  stock  dealers,  48  undertakers;  under  skilled  laborers, 
689  barbers,  222  blacksmiths,  226  boilermakers,  1,324  carpenters,  249  cigar- 
makers,  738  cooks.  111  draughtsmen,  802  electricians.  609  engineers,  33  har- 
ness makers,  105  horseshoers,  28  lathers,  2,069  machinists,  491  masons,  338 
moulders,  1,382  painters,  21  pattern  makers,  214  plasterers,  485  plumbers,  840 
printers,  128  roofers,  276  shoemakers,  451  steam  fitters,  40  stone  cutters,  1,227 
tailors,  133  tinsmiths,  69  upholsterers,  17  wagon  makers;  under  clerks,  1,381 
agents,  157  brokers,  5,187  clerks,  2,720  salesmen;  under  city  and  government 
employes,  562  firemen,  23  letter  carriers,  25  policemen,  180  street  car  employes; 
under  laborers,  35  bill  posters,  734  janitors,  24,004  laborers,  37  miners,  1,236 
porters,  611  servants,  7,385  teamsters,  289  watchmen;  under  other  occupations, 
in  addition  to  the  group  so  designated  in  the  report,  are  included  26  detectives. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  59 

to  the  Illinois  Statutes  women  can  only  be  fined,  they  cannot  be  sentenced  for 
these  offenses.  In  1911  the  Vice  Commission  recommended  the  abolition  of  the 
system  of  fining  for  such  offenses,  but  their  recommendation  has  never  been 
carried  out. 

4.  Another  point  of  importance  is  the  fact  that  the  statistics  of  nativity 
shov^A  that  the  native  American  has  a  larger  proportion  of  arrests  than  the 
immigrant.  (See  Tables  23-37.)  Statistics  furnished  in  the  police  report  show^ 
that  the  native  Americans,  w^hite  and  colored  both,  have  a  percentage  of 
arrests  and  convictions  considerably  greater  than  their  percentage  of  popula- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  the  various  foreign  groups  show^  a  smaller  per  cent 
of  convictions  than  their  proportion  of  the  population  entitles  them  to  have. 
It  is,  of  course,  popularly  believed  that  immigration  is  a  cause  of  crime. 
This  belief  has  largely  been  due  to  a  comfortable  theory  that  we  are  superior 
to  the  people  of  Europe,  and  to  a  desire  to  shift  the  responsibility  for  our 
shortcomings  onto  other  people.  No  facts  have  ever  been  found  to  support 
this  belief.  The  Chicago  statistics  in  this  respect  agree  with  the  statistics 
furnished  by  the  United  States  census  and  the  Federal  Commission  on  Immi- 
gration. The  report  of  the  commission  states  emphatically  that  "no  satis- 
factory evidence  has  yet  been  produced  to  show  that  immigration  has  re- 
sulted in  an  increase  in  crime  disproportionate  to  the  increase  in  adult  pop- 
ulation. Such  comparable  statistics  of  crime  and  population  as  it  has  been 
possible  to  obtain  indicate  that  immigrants  are  less  prone  to  commit  crime 
than  are  native  Americans."  The  special  census  report  on  prisoners  after 
analyzing  the  statistics  of  nativity  for  the  whole  country  said  that  it  was 
"evident  that  the  popular  belief  that  the  foreign  born  are  filling  the  prisons 
has  little  foundation  in  fact."  Chicago  statistics  furnish  further  confirmation 
of  this  statement. 

5.  The  statistics  relating  to  conjugal  condition  and  occupation  are  not 
very  satisfactory.  Insofar  as  they  are  to  be  trusted,  they  seem  to  indicate 
that  a  majority  of  the  persons  arrested,  both  men  and  women,  are  unmarried, 
and  that  the  great  majority  are  poor  persons.  The  table  of  occupations  indi- 
cates that  a  very  small  per  cent  of  those  arrested  are  from  the  well-to-do 
groups,  38  per  cent  were  laborers  and  other  unskilled  workers,  and  the- 
majority  of  the  others  were  workingmen  from  other  groups,  clerks,  sales- 
men, etc.  Since  the  great  majority  of  the  arrests  are  for  petty  offenses  and 
since  the  rich  are  seldom  arrested  on  petty  charges,  it  would  be  expected  that 
the  great  majority  of  arrests  would  be  arrests  of  people  who  were  not  well- 
to-do.  It  is  not  that  the  poor  are  more  criminal  than  the  rich,  but  that  their 
offenses  bring  them  so  easily  within  the  reach  of  the  law. 


60  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

APPENDIX  A 
STATISTICS  RELATING  TO  ADULT  PROBATION 


Two  annual  reports  have  been  published  by  the  Adult  Probation  Office 
since  the  Adult  Probation  Law  went  into  effect  (July  1,  1911),  and  a  type- 
written report  has  been  available  for  the  first  six  months  of  1913-1914.  These 
reports  show  the  number  of  persons  admitted  to  probation  each  month,  the 
total  number  admitted  to  probation  by  each  judge  for  the  period  of  a  year,  the 
offenses  of  which  the  probationers  were  convicted,  and  some  other  data 
regarding  the  probationers,  such  as  age,  sex,  marital  condition,  color  and 
nationality. 

Sec.  1.     Number  of  Persons  on  Probation. 

The  following  table  shows  the  number  of  persons  admitted  to  probation 
during  the  years  1911-12,  1912-13,  and  the  first  six  months  of  the  year  1913-14: 
TABLE    I.     NUMBER    OF    PERSONS    ADMITTED    TO    PROBATION 
DURING  TWO   AND   ONE-HALF  YEARS. 

Number  of  persons  admitted 
Year.  to  probation. 

1911-12   1,074 

1912-13    2,874 

1913-14    (6   mos.) 2,422 

This  table  shows  that  the  number  of  persons  admitted  to  probation  has 
been  increasing  very  steadily.  The  year  1912-13  showed  an  increase  of  more 
than  150  per  cent  over  the  preceding  year,  and  the  number  admitted  during 
the  first  six  months  of  the  year  1913-14  indicates  that  there  will  be  an  increase 
of  nearly  100  per  cent  over  the  year  1912-13.  It  is,  of  course,  important  to 
know  whether  or  not  there  was  a  proportionate  increase  in  the  number  of 
probation  officers  during  this  period.  It  appears  from  the  first  annual  report 
that  there  were,  in  addition  to  the  chief  probation  officer,  11  adult  probation 
officers  in  1911-12,  16  in  1912-13,  and  20  in  1913-14.  That  is,  there  were  97.6 
cases  to  every  officer  in  the  first  year,  179.6  in  the  second  year,  and  242.2  dur* 
ing  the  last  year.  It  should  be  pointed  out,  however,  that  these  figures  do 
not  accurately  represent  the  average  number  of  cases  cared  for  by  the  different 
officers  because  (1)  many  cases  are  admitted  to  probation  for  shorter  terms 
than  one  year,  and  (2)  some  of  the  officers  are  obliged  to  spend  all  or  a  con- 
siderable part  of  their  time  in  court  so  that  they  are  available  for  proba- 
tion work  only  a  portion  of  their  time.  The  Chief  Probation  Officer  explained 
that  two  officers  spent  all  their  time  in  court,  that  nine  spent  half  a  day  each 
at  court,  and  that  four  others  were  in  court  "part  of  the  time."  Thus  the  staff 
of  twenty  officers  is  only  a  staff  of  twelve  or  thirteen  officers  for  active  service. 
(3)  The  number  of  cases  actually  on  probation  includes  a  large  number  of  old 
cases  as  well  as  new  cases.  Thus  the  total  number  of  persons  on  probation 
September  30,  1913,  was  2,316;  the  total  number  of  persons  on  probation  April 
1,  1914,  was  3,428.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  as  if  the  number  of  persons  on 
probation  averaged  something  more  than  250  persons  to  an  officer.*  Good 
probationary  care  under  such  circumstances  is,  of  course,  impossible.  In  fhe 
Juvenile  Court,  it  may  be  noted,  the  probation  officers  have  under  their  care 
an  average  of  between  fifty  and  sixty  cases. 

Sec.  2.     Offenses  of  which  Probationers  were  Convicted. 

The  reports  also  show  the  offenses  for  which  the  probationers  were 
convicted.  The  following  table  shows  the  offenses  of  which  persons  placed 
on  probation  in  1912-13  and  1913-14  had  been  found  guilty. 

The  point  of  special  interest  with  regard  to  these  lists  of  offenses  is 
whether  or  not  persons  are  placed  on  probation  after  being  convicted  of 
offenses  for  which  the  law  does  not  allow  probation.  Unfortunately,  such 
statistics  as  are  available  do  not  throw  much  light  on  this  point.  It  appears 
that  a  considerable  number  of  persons  who  have  been  convicted  of  the  serious 
crimes  of  robbery,  burglary,  embezzlement,  obtaining  money  under  false  pre- 
tenses, carrying  concealed  weapons,  and  receiving  stolen  property  have  been 
placed  on  probation,  but  the  Adult  Probation  Law  permits  probation  for  all  of 

*The  Chief  Probation  Officer  could,  of  course,  furnish  a  statement  show- 
ing the  exact  number  of  cases  at  present  under  the  care  of  each  officer. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO 


61 


these  offenses  except  robbery,  provided  the  value  of  the  property  stolen  is 
not  more  than  $200  or  in  the  case  of  burglary  provided  "the  place  burglarized 
was  a  place  other  than  a  business  house,  dwelling  or  other  habitation."  * 
There  were  altogether  167  persons  placed  on  probation  for  these  serious 
offenses  during  the  first  six  months  of  1913-14,  and,  while  it  is  not  probable 
that  all  of  these  167  cases  fell  within  the  very  narrow  limits  prescribed  by  the 
law,  the  exact  offenses  can  be  learned  only  by  a  study  of  the  case  records  of 
the  Adult  Probation  Office  and  these  have  not  been  examined.  With  regard 
to  the  cases  of  robbery,  however,  it  should  be  noted  that  probation  is  not 
allowed  by  the  statute  under  any  circumstances. 

TABLE    II.     OFFENSES    OF    WHICH    PROBATIONERS    HAD    BEEN 
CONVICTED,    YEAR    ENDING   SEPTEMBER  30,    1913. 

Larceny 802       Receiving  stolen  property 20 

Disorderly  conduct 703       Vagrancy   19 

Contributing  to  dependency 499       Keeping  disorderly  house 14 


Abandonment 287 

Assault    93 

Soliciting   57 

False   Pretenses 54 

Burglary    37 

Contributing   to   delinquency....  34 

Embezzlement 31 

Carrying  concealed  weapons....  28 

Fornication    25 

Gambling    23 

Violation  motor  law  (not  speed- 
ing)       22 


Confidence    game 9 

Violation  2844  Chicago  Code.  ...  9 

Malicious  mischief 8 

Inmates   disorderly  house 6 

Violation  park  ordinance 5 

Attempted   burglary 4 

Patrons  house  of  ill  fame 4 

Violation  Chap.  38,  Sec.  204,  R.  S.  4 

Violation  Chap.  38,  Sec.  167,  R.  S.  2 

Other    causes 54 

Total   2,874 


Adultery 21 

TABLE   III.     OFFENSES    OF   WHICH    PROBATIONERS   HAD   BEEN 
CONVICTED  DURING  SIX  MONTHS  ENDING  MARCH  30,  1914. 

Disorderly   conduct    598       Violating  Chicago  Code 20 

Larceny    562       Embezzlement    13 

Contributing  to  dependency 474       Confidence  game 12 


Malicious  mischief. 

Patrons,    disorderly   house 

Violating  Motor  Vehicle  Law... 

Robbery   

Keepers,  disorderly  house 

Blackmail   

Selling    cocaine 

Unlicensed  employment  agency. 


Abandonment  196 

Assault    88 

Soliciting  74 

False   pretenses 54 

Burglary 39 

Carrying  concealed  weapons....      36 

Vagrancy   32 

Adultery 30 

Fornication    29 

Contributing  to  delinquency 28 

Receiving  stolen  property 21 

Inmates  disorderly  house 20 

That  the  tendency  to  place  persons  convicted  of  serious  offenses  on  pro- 
bation is  not  decreasing  is  indicated  by  the  large  number  of  such  persons 
placed  on  probation  during  the  first  six  months  of  the  year  1913-14,  and  this 
is  confirmed  by  a  mimeographed  report  of  the  work  of  the  Adult  Probation 
Office  for  the  month  of  April,  1914,  which  contains  the  latest  figures  available. 


Other    64 

Total   2,422 


*The  Adult  Probation  Law  (Revised  Statutes,  1913,  Chap.  38)  provides 
that  "Power  to  release  on  probation,  shall,  however,  be  limited  to  the  follow- 
ing offenses"  (509b) :  1.  All  violations  of  municipal  ordinances  where  the 
offense  is  also  a  violation,  in  whole  or  in  part,  of  a  statute.  2.  All  misde- 
meanors, except  as  hereinafter  limited.  3.  The  obtaining  of  money  or  property 
by  false  pretenses,  where  the  value  thereof  does  not  exceed  $200.  4.  Larceny, 
embezzlement,  and  malicious  mischief  where  the  property  taken  or  converted 
or  the  injury  done  does  not  exceed  $200  in  value  and  the  place  burgarlized  was 
a  place  other  than  a  business  house,  dwelling  or  other  habitation.  6.  Burglary, 
when  the  burglar  is  found  in  a  building  other  than  a  business  house,  dwelling 
house,  or  other  habitation.  "Carrying  concealed  weapons"  is  a  misdemeanor 
and  probation  is  therefore  legal  in  the  case  of  this  offense,  but  so  much  public 
apprehension  regarding  "gunmen"  exists  in  Chicago  that  it  seems  proper  to 
classify  them  as  a  serious  offense  for  which  probation  is  of  doubtful  expediency 
even  if  legal. 


62  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

These  figures  show  that  in  this  one  month  persons  admitted  to  probation  had 
l.'een  convicted  of  the  following  serious  crimes: 

Robbery  6,  carrying  concealed  weapons  12,  false  pretenses  7,  embezzle- 
ment 3,  forgery  2,  burglary  5,  receiving  stolen  property  5,  threat  to  kill  1, 
attempted  rape  1. 

This  is  a  total  of  42  serious  crimes  out  of  a  total  of  415  for  the  month. 
The  explanation  given  for  this  is  that  persons  charged  with  serious  crimes  are 
convicted  of  lesser  offenses,  but  through  carelessness  the  charge  against  them 
is  not  changed,  and  although  they  are  quite  properly  released  on  prolaation, 
the  record  still  shows  them  to  be  guilty  of  serious  crimes.  The  only  way  the 
facts  can  really  be  ascertained  is  to  have  presented  the  record  of  the  exact 
offense  actually  committed  by  each  person. 

Sec.  3.     Results  of  Probation. 

The  next  point  of  importance  is  the  question  of  whether  statistics  throw 

any  light  on  the  results  of  probation.     The  Adult  Probation  Office  classifies  all 

persons  discharged  as   "improved"  or   "unimproved,"   and   the   following  table 

presents   the    statistics   of   discharges   for  the  last  two  and  one-half  years. 

TABLE    IV.     NUMBER    OF    DISCHARGED    PROBATIONERS    WHO 

WERE  FOUND  IMPROVED  OR  UNIMPROVED  DURING  2>4 

YEARS  ENDING  MARCH  30,  1914. 

Total       Per     Per  Cent  of  ■ 

Total  Placed  on  Cent    Discharged 

Im-      Unim-  Dis-        Proba-     Dis-      Who  Were 

proved,   proved.    Died,    charged,     tion.   charged.   Improved. 

First    year,    1911-12 171  63  1  235         1,074        21.9         72.8 

Second    year,    1912-13.  ..  1,167         239  8         1,414         2,874        49.2         82.5 

Third   year,    1913-14 987         316  5         1,308         2,422         54.0        75.5 

(6  months.) 

Total  2^  years.... 2,325  618  14  2,957  6,370  46.4  78.6 
After  a  careful  examination  of  this  table,  it  appears  fair  to  say  that,  in 
round  numbers,  the  discharges  are  equal  to  slightly  less  than  one-half  of  the 
new  cases  placed  on  probation  during  the  same  period  and  the  number  dis- 
charged improved  is  slightly  more  than  three-fourths  of  the  total  number 
discharged.* 

Sec.  4.     The  Questionable  Value  of  such  Terms  as  "Improved"  and 

"Unimproved." 

It  is  obvious,  however,  that  the  value  of  these  statistics  as  to  the  outcome 
of  probation  depends  on  two  points:  (1)  What  precisely  is  meant  by  the 
terms  "improved"  and  "unimproved";  and  (2)  whether  the  "unimproved"  pro- 
bationers were  proportionately  distributed  among  all  classes  of  offenders  or 
whether  they  were  largely  those  who  had  committed  the  most  serious  offenses. 

With  regard  to  the  first  point,  the  printed  reports  show  that  in  1911-12 
the  unimproved  group  included  21  "committed"  probationers  and  42  others, 
and  in  1912-13  the  unimproved  group  included  4  "committed  or  vacated"  and 
239  others.  The  reports  do  not  show  the  number  of  probationers  who  have 
been  lost  track  of  or  the  number  absconded  and  the  number  committed  for 
violation  of  probation  with  the  institutions  to  which  the  probationers  have 
been  committed.  With  regard  to  the  other  point,  the  reports  offer  no  infor- 
mation. The  tables  of  "improved,"  "unimproved."  etc.,  are  for  all  probationers 
and  are  not  given  as  they  should  be  for  the  different  offenses  separately.  In 
fairness  to  the  Adult  Probation  Office,  it  should  be  pointed  out  that  thej"-  have 
had  very  little  clerical  assistance,  and  that  the  absence  of  more  elaborate 
statistics  should  probably  be  excused  on  this  ground.     Some  light  on  the  point 


*The  Chief  Probation  Officer  in  some  way  draws  a  different  conclusion 
with  regard  to  the  per  cent  discharged.  In  his  report  for  six  months,  after 
presenting  the  figures  (without  percentages)  he  says:  "The  general  averages 
of  those  improved  by  probation  since  the  law  has  been  in  force  is  about 
eighty  per  cent,  but  during  the  last  six  months  the  percentage  is  only  about 
seventy-five.  The  cause  is  not  hard  to  locate.  The  domestic  cases  are  by  far 
the  most  difficult  to  get  good  results  from,  and  the  officer  does  not  feel  like 
discharging  the  probationer  improved  when  he  knows  he  is  behind  in  his  pay- 
ments to  his  wife,  does  not  treat  her  kindly,  drinks  or  is  otherwise  bad.  We 
did  not  commence  to  get  domestic  cases  till  a  little  over  a  year  ago;  and, 
therefore,  are  only  just  commencing  to  record  the  results,  and  this  is  the 
first  report  where  any  amount  of  discharges  in  that  class  of  cases  is  made." 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  63 

of  the  effect  of  probation  on  those  guilty  of  serious  crimes  was  obtained 
from  some  unpublished  material  in  the  Adult  Probation  Office.  This  material 
was  the  result  of  an  attempt  to  follow  up  148  felony  cases  that  had  been 
placed  on  probation,  including  32  convicted  of  embezzlement,  34  of  robbery, 
111  of  burglary,  and  2  of  forgery.  As  a  result  of  this  attempt  to  check  up  the 
records  of  these  148  cases,  89  were  classed  as  "O.  K.,"  13  as  "fair,"  7  as 
"doubtful,"  4  "no  good,"  3  "not  working,"  4  "lost,"  2  "skipped,"  8  "in  jail  or 
warrant  out,"  9  "permitted  to  go  out  of  town,"  9  "no  report."  This  record  is, 
of  course,  much  more  illuminating  than  a  mere  "improved"  and  "unimproved" 
tabulation.  Translating  "O.  K."  to  mean  "doing  well,"  it  appears  that  only 
60  per  cent  were  reported  in  this  group,  and  of  the  remainder,  who  it  will  be 
noted  were  considerably  more  than  one-third  of  the  total,  some  were  lost,  the 
inevitable  result  of  having  probation  otBcers  overburdened  with  work,  others 
had  been  committed  to  jail,  and  the  cases  of  others  were  marked,  uncertainly, 
as  fair  or  doubtful  or  no  report.  Since  these  specific  terms  are  so  unlike  the 
vague  terms  "improved"  and  "unimproved,"  it  is  not  possible  to  compare  this 
set  of  cases  with  the  reports  for  all  offenses.  Such  a  comparison  can,  in  fair- 
ness, hardly  be  attempted  since  the  records  of  these  cases  were  so  much  more 
carefully   scrutinized,   that   this   might   account    for   a    difference    in    returns. 

Sec.   5.     A    Comparison   with    the   Statistics    Relating   to    Probation    in    New 

York  City. 

A  comparison  between  our  probation  statistics  and  similar  statistics  for 
New  York  City  is  of  interest.  The  Seventh  Annual  Report  of  the  New  York 
State  Probation  Commission  (1913)  gives  the  following  statistics  relating  to 
adult  probation  in   New  York  City. 

TABLE   V.     NUMBER    OF    PERSONS    PLACED    ON    PROBATION    IN 
THE  DIFFERENT  COURTS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY,  YEAR  END- 
ING SEPT.  30,   1913,  TOGETHER  WITH   NUMBER  OF 
PROBATION   OFFICERS. 

Persons  Placed  on  Probation.  No.  Probation 

Court.  Men.  Women.  Both.  Officers. 

Magistrates  Courts — 

1st    Division    1,302  563  1,865  21 

2nd  Division   2,891  612  3,503  29 

Special   Sessions    785  105  890  16 

Total    4,978  1,280  6,258  66 

If  we  compare  these  with  our  Chicago  figures,  it  appears  that  the  number 
of  cases  placed  on  probation  in  New  York  City  is  greater;  6,258  cases  com- 
pared with  2,874  cases  in  Chicago.  That  the  number  should  be  greater  is  to 
be  expected  because  the  population  of  New  York  is  greater  and  also  because 
the  adult  probation  system  there  is  very  much  older  than  in  Chicago.  Thus, 
the  year  for  which  statistics  have  been  quoted  was  only  the  second  year  of 
the  adult  probation  system  in  Chicago,  whereas  it  was  the  sixth  year  of  the 
corresponding  system  in  New  York.  Of  very  great  interest,  therefore,  is  the 
fact  that  the  last  year  (1913-14),  which  has  seen  a  great  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  persons  placed  on  probation  in  Chicago,  has  witnessed  a  decrease  in 
the  number  of  persons  placed  on  probation  in  New  York.  This  has  been  due 
to  the  change  in  method  of  work  and  organization  in  New  York,  which  will 
be  noticed  later. 

TABLE  VI.     OFFENSES  OF  WHICH  MEN  AND  WOMEN  HAD  BEEN 

CONVICTED  BEFORE  THEY  WERE  PLACED  ON  PROBATION 

IN  NEW  YORK  CITY  DURING  THE  YEAR  ENDING 

SEPTEMBER  30,   1913. 

Offenses.                                                      Men.            Women.  Total. 

Assault    (3rd    degree) 155                     7  162 

Disorderly   conduct    2,153                 365  2,518 

Non-support    1,426                    6  1,432 

Petit  larceny    532                  83  615 

Prostitution,    etc 412  412 

Public    intoxication    500                 312  812 

Violation    local    ordinances 67                   58  125 

Other    misdemeanors    127                  37  164 

Total   4,960  1,280  6,240 


64  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

This  table  is  of  interest  because  it  seems  to  make  clear  the  fact  that  New 
York,  unlike  Chicago,  does  not  place  on  probation  persons  who  are  guilty  of 
such  offenses  as  robbery,  burglary,  and  the  other  serious  ofifenses  which  ap- 
peared in  the  Chicago  list.     (See  pages ) 

It  is  important  to  note  too  that  the  New  York  reports  show  much  more 
definitely  than  do  our  Chicago  reports  the  effect  of  probation  in  the  cases  of 
persons  discharged  from  probationary  care.  The  following  table  shows  the 
information  given  regarding  discharged  probationers. 

TABLE   VII.     RESULTS    OF    PROBATION    IN    CASES    OF    PERSONS 

PASSED  FROM'  PROBATION  DURING  THE  YEAR  ENDING 

SEPT.  30,  1914.     (COMPILED  FROM  SEVENTH  ANNUAL 

REPORT  OF  THE  NEW  YORK  STATE  PROBATION 

ASSOCIATION.) 

Completed  probationary  period  and  discharged  with  improvement 4,753 

Completed  probationary  period  and  discharged  without  improvement..  ..      562 

Rearrested    and    committed 505 

Removed  to  other  locality  with  permission  of  court  or  probation  officer.  8 

Absconded  or  lost  from  oversight 418 

Unstated  and  other  results 22 

Total    6,268 

This  table  is  of  interest  because,  although  it  uses  also  the  somewhat 
vague  term  "improvement,"  it  does  show  specifically  the  number  of  persons  re- 
arrested, the  number  absconded,  the  number  removed,  and  the  number  for 
whom  the  results  could  not  be  stated,  so  that  these  facts  at  least  are  avail- 
able. 

The  point  of  greatest  importance,  however,  that  appears  in  studying  New 
York  probation  statistics  is  that  the  Chief  Probation  Officer's  report  to  the 
Chief  Magistrate  in  New  York  shows  the  number  of  cases  investigated  by  the 
probation  officers  before  being  placed  on  probation  and  the  num.ber  placed  on 
probation  without  such  a  preliminary  investigation.  No  statistics  of  this  sort 
are  furnished  in  Chicago,  for  it  appears  to  be  the  rule  here  for  the  judge  to 
overlook  entirely  the  necessity  of  preliminary  investigations  by  probation 
officers,  and  it  is  the  exceptional  cases  only  for  which  an  investigation  is 
asked.  That  such  a  system  is  now  being  adopted  in  the  New  York  courts 
explains,  of  course,  the  decreasing  number  of  probationers  there,  and  the 
absence  of  such  investigations  in  Chicago  explains  also  the  increasingly  large 
number  of  cases  placed  on  probation  in  Chicago.  It  explains  also  the  cases 
reported  by  social  workers  in  Chicago  of  the  placing  on  probation  of  persons 
who  are  not  first  ofYenders,  of  persons  who  can  never  be  located  by  the  pro- 
bation department  because  they  have  given  false  names  and  addresses  in  court, 
and  of  persons  who  are  utterly  unfit  for  probationary  care,  and  also  the  cases 
in  which  one  person  is,  almost  simultaneously,  placed  on  probation  for  dif- 
ferent offenses  and  by  dififerent  judges  who  do  not  know,  of  course,  that  the 
person  asking  for  probation  is  already  a  probationer,  and  should  be  sentenced 
for  violation  of  probation  if  for  no  other  ofTense. 

In  contrast  to  the  New  York  system,  judges  in  Cook  County  appear  to 
place  on  probation  at  random,  and  the  probation  department  is  obliged  to 
accept  all  who  are  sent,  although  the  persons  released  may  be  unfit  for  pro- 
bation and  the  probation  officers  already  have  more  cases  than  they  can 
possibly  look  after.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  even  with  the  present 
small  staff  of  officers  allowed  by  law  better  service  could  be  rendered:* 

*It  should  be  pointed  out  that  adult  probation  work  must  necessarily  be 
unsatisfactory  in  Chicago,  not  only  for  the  reasons  given  above  but  also  fun- 
damentally: 1.  Because  of  the  relatively  small  number  of  officers.  The  law 
limits  the  number  in  any  one  county  to  twenty,  and  in  Chicago  the  majority 
of  these  officers  give  all  or  a  considerable  part  of  their  time  to  court  work. 
Very  little  time  is  left  for  supervision  of  probationers.  For  this  small  number 
of  officers  there  are  more  than  2,500  persons  on  probation.  2.  The  probation 
officers  are  not  chosen  through  civil  service  examinations  but  are  appointed 
by  the  judges.  This,  of  course,  has  the  doubly  disastrous  effect  of  not  getting 
ihe  most  suitable  persons  for  officers  and  in  making  those  who  are  appointed 
feel  that  they  do  not  need  to  maintain  a  high  standard  of  work. 

The  Adult  Probation  Law  went  into  effect  July  1,  1911.  In  September, 
1911,  the  chief  probation  officer  was  appointed  by  the  Circuit  and   Municipal 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  65 

1.  If  the  amount  of  clerical  and  court  attendance  work  required  of  them 
could  be  decreased. 

2.  If  the  oflicers  spent  a  large  part  of  time  investigating  cases  prior  to 
release  on  probation.  This  would  certainly  greatly  reduce  the  number  of 
persons  placed  on  probation  and  eliminate  the  second  offenders  and  others 
unsuitable   for  probation. 

Cases  are  added  at  the  close  of  this  appendix  showing  that  a  probationer 
can,  by  giving  a  false  address,  escape  probation  entirely  and  be  placed  on  pro- 
bation a  second  time  without  being  identified;  that  the  same  person  may  be 
placed  on  probation  two  or  three  times  without  its  being  discovered  that  he 
is  already  on  probation.*  Investigation  prior  to  release  on  probation  is 
necessary  if  probation  is  to  be  more  than  a  discharge.  Moreover,  it  should 
be  pointed  out  that  the  Illinois  Adult  Probation  Law  clearly  expects  the  pro- 
bation officer  to  investigate  upon  the  judges'  request  before  release. f 

The  last  (1912)  report  of  the  New  York  State  Probation  Commission 
says,  with  regard  to  Preliminary  Investigations: 

"When  so  directed  by  a  court  or  magistrate,  probation  officers  are  ex- 
pected to  investigate  the  surroundings,  history,  reputation  and  characteristics 
of  defendants  awaiting  sentence.  These  investigations  are  of  great  service 
to  the  courts  in  determining  whether  the  defendants  will  make  fit  subjects 
for  probationary  treatment.  It  is  found  that  in  a  large  proportion  of  the 
cases  of  probationers  who  have  absconded  or  otherwise  failed  to  satisfy  the 
probationary  requirements,  such  investigations  have  been  neglected.  The 
number  of  cases  so  investigated  during  the  past  year  was  19,311,  an  increase 
of  22  per  cent."     (Sixth  Report,  p.  25.) 

In  Massachusetts  preliminary  investigations  are  absolutely  insisted  upon 
as  a  prerequisite  for  release  on  probation.  The  last  report  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Commission  on  Probation  (1913)  discusses  their  method:  "The 
standard  of  probation  cases  can  only  be  improved  by  the  closest  co-operation 
of   judges   and   probation   officers.     The   probation   officer   should   recommend 


Courts.  At  the  close  of  the  first  j^ear  there  were  eleven  other  probation  offi- 
cers, four  appointed  by  the  Circuit  Court  judges  and  seven  appointed  by  the 
Municipal  Court  judges.  The  law  provides  for  not  more  than  twenty  oificers 
in  any  one  county.  By  the  close  of  the  second  year,  sixteen  officers  had  been 
appointed,  six  by  the  Circuit  Court  judges  and  ten  by  the  Municipal  Court 
judges.  During  the  past  year  the  number  of  officers  has  reached  the  full 
quota  of  twenty.  Only  three  clerks  are  provided  for  the  Adult  Probation 
Office.  If  it  is  not  constitutional  to  require  the  probation  officers  to  be  chosen 
through  civil  service,  it  should  be  possible  to  induce  the  judges  to  do  what 
Judge  Pinckney  has  done  in  the  Juvenile  Court,  i.  e.,  to  establish  a  voluntary 
or  extra-legal  civil  service  of  their  own. 

*It  is  also  apparent  that  investigation  would  prevent  the  release  on  pro- 
bation of  those  who  are  not  first  offenders.  The  law  provides  for  the  release 
only  of  first  offenders,  but  when  no  preliminary  investigations  are  made, 
second  offenders  will  inevitably  be  able  to  escape  in  this  way. 

t  See  Revised  Statutes,  chap.  38,  5091,  Duties  of  Probation  Officers.  Sec.  12. 
The  duties  of  probation  officers  shall  be:  1.  To  investigate,  when  required 
by  rule  of  court  or  by  specific  order,  the  case  of  any  person  who  has  invoked 
the  provisions  of  this  act,  and  as  accurately  and  as  fully  as  diligence  will 
enable  to  ascertain  (a)  the  personal  characteristics,  habits,  associations  and 
previous  conduct  of  such  persons,  (b)  the  names,  relationship,  ages  and  con- 
ditions of  those  dependent  upon  him  for  support,  maintenance  and  education, 
and  (c)  such  other  and  further  facts  as  may  aid  the  court  as  well  in  determin- 
ing the  propriety  of  probation  as  in  fixing  the  conditions  thereof.  To  the  end 
that  such  investigation  may  be  properly  made,  a  probation  officer  commis- 
sioned to  investigate  shall  be  afforded  full  opportunity  to  confer  with  the 
person  to  be  investigated  when  such  person  is  in  custody.  2.  To  report  in 
writing  the  result  of  such  investigation.  3.  To  preserve  complete  and  ac- 
curate records  of  cases  investigated,  including  a  description  of  the  person 
investigated,  the  action  of  the  court  with  respect  to  his  case  and  his  proba- 
tion, the  subsequent  history  of  such  person  if  he  becomes  a  probationer  during 
the  continuance  of  his  probation,  which  records  shall  be  open  to  inspection 
by  any  judge  or  by  any  probation  officer  pursuant  to  order  of  court,  but  shall 
not  be  a  public  record,  and  its  contents  shall  not  be  divulged  otherwise  than 
as  above  provided,  except  iipon  order  of  court. 


66  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

after  a  most  careful  study  of  the  case,  and  the  court  should  never  place  on 
probation  any  person  unfitted  for  probationary  treatment."  (Fifth  Annual 
Report,  p.  7.)  Probation  is  recommended  only  when  "the  past  history  and 
present  disposition  of  the  person  investigated  indicate  that  he  may  reasonably 
be  expected  to  reform  without  punishment." 

Ihe  Chief  Probation  Officer's  Report  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Board 
of  City  Magistrates  of  the  City  of  New  York,  1913,  shows  the  results  of  the 
new  method,  i.  e.,  preliminary  investigation  before  probation,  in  New  York 
City. 

"Under  the  old  method  of  placing  on  probation  without  preliminary  in- 
vestigation (with  some  exceptions)  probation  officers  received  many  more 
cases  than  they  could  properly  look  after,  but  since  last  April,  when  only 
about  20  per  cent  of  those  investigated  were  placed  on  probation,  the  number 
of  cases  have  materially  decreased.  During  the  last  eight  months  of  1912, 
1,691  defendants  were  placed  on  probation,  while  during  the  same  period  in 
1913,  under  the  new  system,  but  974  were  placed  on  probation.  Of  that 
number  369  were  disorderly  persons  and  only  two  had  been  investigated  by 
probation  officers.  Under  the  present  system  the  probation  officers  have 
been  enabled  to  devote  more  time  to  individual  cases,  with  the  result  that 
there  have  been  fewer  revocations  for  violation  of  probation,  and  the  ac- 
counts of  the  disorderly  (non-support)  at  the  Department  of  Charities  are 
in  much  better  shape  than  ever  before"  (p.  72>). 

The  Chief  Magistrate  reports,  for  the  year  ending  December  31,  1913, 
the  following  results  from  the  change  in  probation  methods  in  New  York 
City: 

"The  new  probation  system  has  worked  admirably  in  every  way.  The 
probation  officers,  men  and  women,  are  now  engaged  actively  in  investigating 
cases,  or,  as  is  part  of  their  duty,  in  seeing  that  the  defendants  obey  the  terms 
of  probation  by  frequent  visits,  careful  inspection,  and  active  personal  in- 
terest in  those  concerned.  This  they  can  do,  as  they  do  not  now  have  to 
waste  a  whole  lot  of  tiine  sitting  in  the  court  rooms  waiting  for  possible 
cases;  then  to  be  hurriedly  considered  as  an  emergency  and  disposed  of  more 
or   less   unsatisfactorily.     .     .     . 

"One  fault  of  the  old  system  was  that  cases  were  carelessly  put  on  pro- 
bation. Men  and  women  with  prison  records,  who  deserved  no  consideration, 
and  whose  cases  were  hopeless,  were  turned  over  to  the  probation  officers, 
instead  of  being  punished,  as  they  should  be,  at  once.  This  clogged  the  pro- 
bation system.  The  officers  carried  long  lists  of  these  perfectly  impossible 
people,  so  far  as  reformation  was  concerned,  on  their  hands.  These  scamps, 
as  soon  as  they  got  on  probation,  either  ran  away  or  disappeared,  and  often 
turned  up  again  in  prison;  or  they  kept  the  probation  officer  chasing  all  over 
the  city  and  state  looking  after  them,  disappearing  from  one  locality  to  turn 
up  to  the  annoyance  and  danger  of  some  other  place.  The  same  was  true  of 
the  women. 

"Now,  under  the  new  system,  we  have  reduced  the  number  of  cases  some 
60  per  cent,  which  means  that  probation,  which  is  a  favor  to  the  defendant, 
and  based  on  the  hope  of  the  magistrate  that  he  can  be  reformed  without 
being  sent  to  prison,  and  this  hope  in  turn  founded  upon  the  written  report 
and  investigation  made  by  the  probation  officer,  is  not  misused.  Then,  too, 
the  probation  officer  is  not  laden  down  with  all  that  waste  and  rotten  material, 
and  gives  the  cases  the  real  sort  of  inspection  to  which  they  are  entitled, 
looking  after  the  defendant  and  encouraging  him  or  her  to  a  better  life.  The 
removal  of  this  incubus  of  perfectly  useless  material  gives  the  probation  sys- 
tem a  chance  to  prove  what  it  can  do;  makes  the  defendant  feel  that  he  is 
put  on  his  honor  and  highly  favored  by  the  court  in  an  effort  to  improve  him- 
self and  retrace  his  or  her  steps  in  a  criminal  career  away  from  a  disorderly 
way  of  living"  (pp.  29-30). 

Sec.  6.     Statistics  Relating  to  Restitution  and  Earnings  of  Probationers. 

Further  information  regarding  the  results  of  probation  is  furnished  by 
the  statistics  relating  to  restitution  and  the  earnings  of  probationers.  A  very 
pood  summary  of  these  results  is  Included  in  the  typewritten  report  of  the 
Chief  Probation  Officer  for  the  first  six  months  of  1913-14,  and  this  is  quoted 
in    full   below: 

"The  first  year  the  amount  of  restitution  was  not  kept,  but  the  second 
year  we  find  the  total  amount  to  be  $21,790.28.  The  first  half  of  the  third  year 
we  find  the  total  amount  to  be  $8,211.57.     I  am  satisfied  that  the  officers  have 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAt^O  67 

not  kept  an  account  of  all  restitution,  so  that  I  can  only  give  results  as  they 
are  reported  to  the  office. 

"With  reference  to  the  earnings  of  probationers,  I  find  that  the  first  year 
we  only  kept  the  earnings  during  September,  and  thought  it  a  great  thing  that 
the  probationers  earned  $30,905.50  in  that  month,  and  figured  that  if  that 
good  showing  continued  every  month  for  a  year  the  total  would  be  $360,000.00, 
but  the  actual  result  during  the  second  year  was  more  than  $548,000.00.  Dur- 
ing the  first  half  of  the  third  year  the  earnings  exceeded  that  sum  more  than 
$20,000.00.  The  amount  being  $570,127.64,  which,  if  continued  at  the  same 
rate  for  the  rest  of  the  year,  will  show  more  than  a  million  dollars  earned 
in  one  year.  This,  indeed,  is  a  large  sum  of  money  for  people  to  earn,  who, 
under  the  old  law,  might  have  been  in  jail  at  the  expense  of  the  county." 

This  statement  alone  is  a  more  than  sufficient  justification  of  the  cost  of 
probation  service  to  the  county  and  to  the  city,  and  it  is  also  a  more  than 
sufficient  justification  for  a   demand   for  a  change  in   the  law  that  so  inade- 
quately limits  the  number  of  probation  officers  for  a  great  city  like  Chicago. 
Sec.   7.     Further   Reasons   for   Increasing  the   Number   of  Adult 
Probation  Officers. 

A  further  reason  for  a  considerable  increase  in  the  number  of  adult  pro- 
bation officers  is  that  much  of  the  so-called  social  work  in  the  courts,  which  is 
done  by  a  large  number  of  volunteer  organizations,  should  be  done  by  the 
Adult  Probation  Office.  At  present,  for  example,  the  following  organiza- 
tions have  representatives  giving  all  or  a  large  part  of  their  time  to  social 
work  in  the  Boys'  Court  and  the  Criminal  Court:  Legal  Aid  Society,  the 
Juvenile  Protective  Association,  the  Bureau  of  Personal  Service,  the  Catholic 
Women's  League.  In  addition  to  these  private  organizations,  both  the  Adult 
Probation  Office  and  the  County  Welfare  Bureau  have  representatives  in  the 
courts.  These  groups  of  workers  are  all  unrelated.  No  one  has  any  authority 
or  control  over  anyone  else.  They  are  responsible  only  to  the  heads  of  their 
organizations  in  four  different  parts  of  the  city.  The  situation  is  saved,  in 
part,  by  the  fine  spirit  of  co-operation  among  the  workers,  and  they  believe 
that  they  have  the  field  of  work  so  carefully  apportioned  that  the  work  is 
co-operating  and  not  duplicating.  This  can,  however,  scarcely  be  possible, 
and  in  any  event,  if  the  work  is  worth  doing,  it  should  all  be  concentrated  in 
the  hands  of  one  public  authority;  and  there  can  be  no  question  that  the  one 
absolutely  essential  public  authority  in  the  field  is  the  Adult  Probation  Office.* 
This  office  should  have  an  adequate  stafif  on  a  civil  service  basis,  which  alone 
insures  competency,  and  should  have  full  control  of  all  social  work  in  the 
courts,  as  the  Probation  Department  of  the  Juvenile  Court  does  of  similar 
work  in  that  court. 

Sec.  8.     Summary, 

1.  The  reports  of  the  Adult  Probation  Office  show  a  marked  increase  in 
the  number  of  persons  placed  on  probation  during  the  three  years  since  the 


*  The  one  social  worker  who  does  not  seem  to  be  related  to  this  office 
fs  a  representative  of  the  Juvenile  Protective  Association  in  the  Criminal 
Court,  who,  in  her  own  words,  "investigates  all  of  the  sex  cases  that  are  held 
to  the  Grand  Jury."  She  considers  her  work  as  supplementary  to  the  work  of 
the  State's  Attorney's  office.  The  complainants  or  witnesses  in  these  cases 
are  chiefly  young  girls,  and  she  is  there  in  order  that  their  stories  may  be  told 
to  a  woman  instead  of  to  one  of  the  lawyers  in  the  State's  Attorney's  office. 

There  appears  to  be  no  reason,  in  this  case,  why  the  State's  Attorney 
should  not  appoint  one  woman  lawyer  as  a  regular  member  of  his  stafif  who 
could  hear  such  cases.  There  can  be  no  question  but  that  a  woman  lawyer 
can  do  such  work  far  more  effectively  than  a  man.  There  seems  to  have  been 
a  bad  precedent  set  in  the  Court  of  Domestic  Relations  when  the  State's 
Attorney  was  given  an  additional  appropriation  by  the  County  Board  to  em- 
ploy a  woman  investigator  for  the  bastardy  cases.  Here  again  a  woman  law- 
yer, appointed  as  a  regular  member  of  the  State's  Attorney's  stafif,  should 
have  been  appointed  for  such  work.  A  woman  assistant  State's  Attorney 
would  be  more  satisfactory  in  many  ways  than  an  "investigator."  The  "in- 
vestigator" cannot  appear  before  the  Grand  Jury,  whereas  an  assistant  State's 
Attorney  could,  and  her  position  inthe  court  w^ould  be  one  of  great  influence. 
Moreover,  no  additional  appropriation  would  be  needed  for  such  work,  since 
the  State's  Attorney  could  at  any  time  assign  one  of  his  assistantships  to  a 
woman  instead  of  to  a  man. 


68  REPORT   OF    CRIME   COMMITTEE 

Adult  Probation  Law  was  passed.  Unfortunately  the  number  of  probation 
officers  has  not  increased  proportionately.  That  is,  there  appears  to  have 
been  in  round  numbers  about  100  cases  per  officer  during  the  first  year  of 
the  court,  about  180  the  second,  and  about  245  during  the  year  just  passed. 
Good  probationary  care  under  such  circumstances  is  obviously  impossible. 
In  New  York,  the  average  number  of  cases  per  officer  is  about  95.*  In  the 
Juvenile  Court  of  Cook  County,  the  average  number  of  cases  per  officer  is 
about  SO  to  60. 

2.  The  reports  also  show  the  offenses  of  which  probationers  are  con- 
victed. The  question  is  raised  as  to  whether  or  not  the  Adult  Probation  Law 
i.^:  being  violated  by  the  placing  on  probation  persons  convicted  of  offenses 
for  which  probation  is  not  legal.  The  list  of  persons  convicted  of  serious 
offenses  and  placed  on  probation  during  the  first  six  months  of  the  year  1913-14 
is  as  follows:  False  pretenses,  54;  burglary,  39;  carrying  concealed  weapons, 
36;  receiving  stolen  property,  21;  embezzlement,  13;  robbery,  4.  Whether  or 
not  the  offenses  of  these  167  persons  entitled  them  to  be  placed  on  probation 
can  only  be  determined  by  ascertaining  the  exact  offenses  committed. 

3.  With  regard  to  the  results  of  probation,  statistics  as  to  whether  dis- 
charged probationers  are  "improved"  or  "unimproved"  are  of  little  value 
since  the  standard  of  what  constitutes  "improvement"  is  probably  a  variable 
one.  It  is  suggested  that  statistics  could  show  each  time  the  number  of  pro- 
bationers who  had  absconded,  the  number  who  had  moved  out  of  the  city  by 
permission,  and  the  number  who  had  been  re-arrested  or  for  whom  warrants 
had  been  issued,  and  the  number  for  whom  no  report  had  been  recently 
obtained. 

4.  In  comparing  Chicago  and  New  York  statistics,  one  very  important 
point  appears:  that  in  New  York  it  is  not  customary  to  place  persons  on  pro- 
bation until  a  preliminary  investigation  has  been  made  by  probation  officers. 
The  convicted  person  for  whom  probation  appears  to  be  desirable  is  not 
hastily  released  as  in  Chicago,  but  is  remanded  until  a  thorough  investigation 
has  been  made.  If  it  does  not  appear  that  the  prisoner  is  likely  to  improve 
under  probationary  care,  he  is  not  released  and  the  time  of  the  probation 
officer  is  conserved  for  more  hopeful  cases.  A  system  of  preliminary  in- 
vestigation in  Chicago  would  greatly  reduce  the  number  of  persons  placed 
on  probation,  and  would  make  possible  more  successful  work  with  the  smaller 
number  of  probationers  who  would  be  under  care.  At  present  the  Chicago 
system  makes  it  possible  for  second  offenders  to  escape  on  probation,  for 
persons  to  give  false  addresses  and  thus  to  escape  any  supervision  by  proba- 
tion officers,  or  for  a  person  to  be  placed  on  probation  almost  simultaneously 
by  several  different  judges.  Investigation  by  probation  officers  is  absolutely 
essential  if  probation  is  to  be  more  than  a  discharge. 

5.  The  valuable  results  of  probation  are  more  tangibly  presented  in  the 
statistics  relating  to  restitution  and  earnings  of  probationers.  The  earnings 
of  probationers  during  the  past  year  may  be  said  to  be,  in  round  numbers, 
more  than  a  million  dollars,  and  the  amount  of  money  paid  back  in  restitu- 
tion during  the  year  is  between  $15,000  and  $20,000  (estimating  for  the  whole 
year  on  the  basis  of  statistics  for  six  months.)  There  can  be  no  question  as 
to  the  success  of  a  system  that  not  only  relieves  the  taxpayers  of  the  heavy 
burden  of  supporting  thousands  of  persons  in  jail  for  minor  offenses  and  at 
the  same  time  saves  the  men  and  women  from  the  demoralization  of  a  prison 
term  and  makes  it  possible  for  them  to  earn  large  sums  in  independent 
employment  and  to  pay  back  the  money  they  have  stolen. 

6.  At  the  present  time,  the  Adult  Probation  Department  is  not  the  only 
organization  doing  social  work  in  the  courts.  The  County  Welfare  Bureau 
and  three  private  societies  have  representatives  giving  all  or  a  large  part  of 
their  time  to  some  form  of  social  service  work  in  the  courts.  There  can  be 
no  question  but  that  the  work  which  is  now  being  done  by  the  representa- 
tives of  these  different  organizations  is  socially  useful  and  should  not  be 
given  up.  All  such  work,  however,  should  be  unified  and  centralized  under 
some  controlling  authority.  Since  the  Adult  Probation  Department  is  the 
social   service  agency  of   first  importance   in   the   courts,   it   would   seem  to  be 

*This  is  obtained  in  the  same  rough  way  as  the  Chicago  figures,  by  divid- 
ing the  total  number  of  cases  placed  on  probation  within  the  year  last  past 
by  the  number  of  officers.  It  is  explained  elsewhere  that  the  resulting  aver- 
ages are  not  accurate,  but  they  are  perfectly  valid  for  purposes  of  comparison 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  $9 

most  advantageous  to  have  all  the  social  service  work  done  by  this  depart- 
ment. This  is,  of  course,  another  urgent  reason  why  the  Adult  Probation 
Law  should  be  so  amended  as  to  make  possible  a  very  great  increase  in  the 
number  of  adult  probation  officers,  and  the  placing  of  the  department  on  a 
civil  service  basis. 

Sec.  9.    Illustrations  of  the  Results  of  the  Failure  to  Investigate  Cases  Before 
Placing  them  on  Probation. 

S W 

August  19,  1913 — Placed  on  probation  for  one  year  by  Judge  Brentano  in 
the  Criminal  Court  on  three  charges  of  burglary  and  was  warned  that  he 
would  be  arrested  the  first  time  he  was  caught  loafing. 

May  26,  1914 — In  Boys'  Court  under  the  name  of  W on  disorderly 

charge  (joy  riding  in  stolen  auto).  Claimed  he  did  not  know  it  was  stolen. 
Case  postponed  to  June  3d  then  to  30th,  when  the  defendant  was  not  in  court. 
Officer  asked  to  have  him  discharged,  which  was  done. 

M C 

July  1,  1914 — Placed  on  probation  in  Morals  Court  by  Judge  Goodnow  on 
adultery  charge. 

August  9,  1914 — Arrested  on  disorderly  charge  under  another  name.  Dis- 
charged. 

J B 

Put  on  probation  on  larceny  charge  by  Judge  Goodnow.  Ten  days  later 
placed  on  probation  again  by  Judge  Dolan,  not  knowing  of  former  probation. 
Arrested  again — case  continued  for  several  months  by  Judge  Burke  in  the 
Criminal  Court  to  give  boy  a  chance  to  make  good  by  working  steadily,  etc. 

J was  out  an  bond  at  this  time.     If  his  conduct  had  been  good  during 

this  time,  case  would  probably  have  been  disposed  of  in  some  way  without 
inflicting  further  punishment.  However,  at  final  hearing  his  conduct  had  been 
so  unsatisfactory  that  he  was  sentenced  to  Pontiac. 

H M 


July  10,  1914 — Placed  on  probation  by  Judge  Brentano  on  larceny  charge. 
Amount  involved,  $95.  Preliminary  hearing  June  8,  1914.  At  time  of  offense 
was  on  probation,  which  did  not  expire  until  June  29,  1914.  (An  immoral 
woman.) 

H S 

December  5,  1913 — Placed  on  probation  for  six  months  on  burglary  charge 
by  Judge  Brentano.  Felony  waived.  Charge  changed  to  petit  larceny.  Boy 
had  already  served  30  days  in  House  of  Correction  on  disorderly  charge.  In 
less  than  week  stole  $20  from  .fellow  employe  and  left  town.  At  end  of  six 
months  was  discharged  improved,  though  at  the  time  in  the  County  Jail,  held 
to  Grand  Jury  on  three  carges  of  burglary — came  into  jail  April  13,  1914. 
Case  still  pending.     Relatives  can  do  nothing  with  him. 

J T 

Placed  on  probation  under  another  name.  April  4,  1914 — Probation  De- 
partment never  could  locate.     May  21,  1914 — Held  to  Grand  Jury  on  burglary 

charge  under  name  of  J T .     Through  guard  at  jail  discovered  his 

identity.     Notified  Probation  Department  and  he  is  now  in  Pontiac. 

T J 

April  2,  1914 — Placed  on  probation  by  Judge  McDonald — held  on  robbery 
charge.  One  and  one-half  years  before  had  been  placed  on  probation  (sleep- 
ing in  empty  cars)  and  later,  about  one  year  before,  spent  three  months  in 
the  House  of  Correction  for  stealing. 

H S 

On  probation  three  times.  Twice  at  the  same  time  under  different  names. 
Was  just  about  to  be  placed  on  probation  again  (robbery  charge)  when  it 
v/as  discovered  that  another  judge  had  sentenced  him  to  one  year  in  the 
House  of  Correction  for  violation  of  probation.  Now  in  House  of  Correction 
serving  this  sentence. 


70 


REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 


TABLE  VIII. 

OFFENSES  OF  MEN,  WOMEN  AND  BOYS  PLACED  ON  PROBATION 

BY  THE  VARIOUS  JUDGES  DURING  THE  SIX  MONTHS 

FROM  JANUARY   1   TO   JUNE  30,    1914. 

(From  records  of  the  Adult  Probation  Office.) 

A.— MEN. 


c 
o 

a 

a 
o 
-o 
c 

CD 

n  o 

4-> 

"3 

OJ 

o 

V 

G 

-a 
c 

B 

.5  " 

3  a; 

II 

c:2 

S 

.£73 
*J   OJ 

c  & 

c 

s 

Q) 

.a 
S 

01 

2 

m 
C 

01 

u 

9J 

<u 

S 
w 

It 

0)    P^ 

■6i 

01 
O 

<u 

J3 

15 

Judge. 

< 

< 

3 

m 

o 
O 

o  n 

o  a) 

fS 

s§ 

0)    t, 

>i2 

S 

O 

o 

Bowles    

4 

4 

1 

1 

18 

28 

Brentano  .... 

1 

2 

1 

1 

5 

Burke   

3 

8 

11 

Caverly   

2 

4 

8 

1 

1 

28 

44 

Dever  

i 

1 

Dolan    

1 

17 

2 

2 

1 

4 

28 

Fake 

2 

7 

19 

1 

5 

10 

72 

8 

124 

Fisher 

2 

1 

2 

5 

Fry 

..     22 

1 

1 

88 

12 

65 

1 

190 

Gemmill    .... 

..       1 

1 

2 

4 

Goodnow  .  .. 

5 

8 

i 

6 

i 

23 

Graham    

34 

1 

3 

8 

47 

Hill 

..       1 

3 

2 

6 

Hopkins    

10 

2 

1 

13 

Jarecki  

i 

1 

Kearns    

..       7 

i 

19 

Kerstens  .  .  .. 

2 

4 

3 

2 

13 

i 

25 

Mahoney   .... 

1 

11 

1 

15 

McDonald  . . . 

9 

8 

7 

i 

19 

2 

i 

4 

51 

McKinley    . . . 

1 

4 

1 

14 

1 

21 

Moran    

..       3 

17 

20 

Pettit    

1 

2 

1 

i 

6 

11 

Rafiferty  

5 

2 

6 

4 

17 

Robinson  

1 

i 

1 

3 

Rooney  

1 

i 

2 

Ryan 

?3 

6 

i 

X 

'/() 

S? 

Sabath   

19 

1 

17 

5 

7 

11 

22 

3 

88 

Scott 

4 

5 

Scully 

3 

5 

4 

12 

1 

2 

28 

57 

D.   Sullivan    . 

5 

5 

J.  Sullivan   . . 

1 

6 

4 

12 

Torrison    .... 

.      2 

U 

15 

Turnbaugh    . . 

i 

is 

19 

Uhlir 

.   124 

6 

8  300 

6 

2 

19 

466 

Wade 

1 

1 

i 

4 

7 

Walker    

2 

2 

2 

3 

24 

i 

1 

35 

Wells 

2 

1 

35 

4 

2 

2 

io 

i 

57 

Williams    

1 

1 

Stewart   

9 

i 

10 

Newcomer    . . 

1 

1 

Levy 

i 

1 

Total    ... 

..   162 

18 

64 

23 

19 

18  434 

14  329 

25 

10 

21 

39  342 

27  1545 

STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO 


71 


TABLE  VIII— Continued. 


B.— WOMEN  AND  GIRLS. 


Judge. 

3        Sea 

13          m       o  a>       ■ 
<        <J      OQ       C 

5     ^ 

;5       c/ 

w       > 

2      w 

■      > 

J3 
0 

0 

Graham   

1     .. 

4 

1 

6 

Bowles  

2     .. 

1 

'.     i 

4 

Caverly    

2     .. 

1 

3 

Dolan   

1     .. 

1     .. 

2 

4 

Fry 

.       3 

8     .. 

3 

14 

Fake  

1     .. 

1       1 

2 

6 

Goodnow  

'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.      6 

1     .. 

7      4 

2 

is   .' 

.'    so 

i 

86 

Hill. 

1     .. 

1 

Hopkins  

v.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.      9     '. 

'.     '.'.     22     16 

■9   '. 

;  32 

88 

Jarecki     

i 

2 

Keams 

i    '. '.    '. 

1 

Kerstens   , 

1    ..    . 

1 

Mahoney   

'3 

i 

4 

McDonald    

3 

2 

5 

McKinley    

1 

1 

Moran    

.'  '2  ; 

2 

Newcomer 

1  ..  . 

1 

Rafiferty  

1 

Robinson     

'2 

2 

Rooney    

1 

1 

Ryan    

2     '.'. 

10 

'i 

14 

Sabath   

3      1 

4 

1 

12 

Scott    

1 

1 

Scully    

2     '.'. 

3 

Stewart   

ii 

13 

D.   Sullivan    

1 

1 

Turnbaugh    

2 

2 

Uhlir    

i   26 

3     '.'. 

1 

'2 

27 

Wade  

2     .. 

3 

5 

Wells   

26 

27 

Williams    

2 

2 

Total    

IS 

8    26    5 

7    22 

88 

4 

24 

3    83 

10 

340 

72 


REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 


TABLE  VIII— Continued. 


C— BOYS. 


s     s 


Judge. 
Bowles  . 
Brentano 
Burke  .. . 
Courtney 
Dolan  ... 
Fake  .  .  . 
Fisher    . . 

Fry 

Goodnow 
Graham    . 
Hill  ..... 
Hopkins 
Kerstens 
Mahoney 
McDonald 
McKinley 
Moran   . . . 

Pettit   

Rafferty  .. 
Ryan  .... 
Sabath   . . . 

Scott    

Scully   .... 
D.  Sullivan 
Torrison    , 
Uhlir    ... 
Wade   .... 
Walker    . 
Wells   ... 

Total 


O  li 


C  P. 
o  n 


4      8 


1 
6 
6 
1 

13 
2 
1 


48 
3 


1 


eU.iS 


1 

3 

io 

6 


5 
1 

2 

"s 

5 
7 
2 

i 

4 
7 
9 
2 

84 
2 

1 
5 

16 
6 


fL,     KQ^ 


s-s 


toO 
.E  to 

0!  O       5 

>i2    O 


4 
4 

i2 


4S 

3 

5 

7 

1 

21 

21 

1 

27 

9 

7 

2 

1 

12 
6 

24 
7 
1 
1 
5 

18 

22 

4 

162 

6 

4 

18 

12 

20 

12 


5    24    25    19      4  102      3  192      6    10      5      7      4    30      3    439 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  73 

APPENDIX  B 

NOTE  ON  THE  COUNTY  JAIL  AND  THE 

HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION 


In  discussing  the  costs  of  a  system  that  involves  the  arrest  and  the  trial 
of  large  numbers  of  innocent  persons,  it  was  pointed  out  (Text  p.  36)  that 
not  the  least  of  these  costs  v^^as  the  imprisonment  of  many  people  who  were 
later  released  without  conviction.  Statistics  were  given  showing  that  in  1913, 
691  persons  suffered  the  really  terrible  experience  of  imprisonment  in  the 
County  Jail,  and  were  then  released  either  because  they  were  tried  and  found 
not  guilty  or  because  the  Grand  Jury  or  State's  Attorney  did  not  think  the 
evidence  against  them  warranted  their  being  tried. 

The  report  of  the  jailer,  from  which  these  statistics  were  taken,  shows 
the  disposition  of  the  cases  of  all  the  persons  imprisoned  during  the  past 
year  as  follows: 

TABLE    I.      DISPOSITION    OF    CASES    COMMITTED    TO    COOK 

COUNTY   JAIL   DURING   THE   YEAR   ENDING 

DECEMBER  30,   1913. 

Disposed    of    in    Municipal    Court 3,783 

Bail   given   in    Municipal    Court 1,151 

Sent  to  penitentiary 260 

Sent   to    reformatory    78 

Sent   to    House    of   Correction 764 

Committed    to    State    Insane    Asylum 7 

Jail    sentence'  expired    283 

Released    on   probation    298 

Stricken   off   Criminal   Court 117 

Own    recognizance    Criminal    Court 26 

No   bill    Grand  Jury 290 

Nolle    pros 39 

Not    guilty    245 

Bail    given    Criminal    Court 865 

Order   of    Circuit    Court 127 

Order   of   County   Court 11 

Order  of  U.   S.   Court 214 

Habeas    Corpus    5 

Died    3 

Supersedeas    bonds    15 

Miscellaneous    12 

Total     8,593 

This  report  shows  that  of  the  8,593  persons  who  were  held  in  the  County 
Jail  last  year,  only  283  were  there  serving  sentences,  but  338  others  were  later 
committed  to  Joliet  or  Pontiac  so  that  they  were  judged  to  merit  imprison- 
ment. Seven  hundred  and  sixty-four  others  were  sent  to  the  House  of  Cor- 
rection, but  how  many  of  them  were  sent  because  of  their  inability  to  pay 
fines  and  how  many  were  actually  committed,  the  statistics,  of  course,  do  not 
indicate.  It  is  not  possible  to  ascertain  whether  the  3,783  whose  cases  were 
"disposed  of  in  the  Municipal  Court"  were  discharged,  or  fined,  or  whether 
they  reappear  among  those  sentenced.  The  great  majority  are  undoubtedly 
discharged  or  fined.  Certainly  an  examination  of  this  table  makes  it  clear  that 
not  only  hundreds,  but  probably  thousands  of  innocent  persons  are  imprisoned 
for  longer  or  shorter  terms  in  the  County  Jail.  The  question  of  the  length 
of  time  they  are  imprisoned  there  is  a  matter  of  great  interest  and  the  follow- 
ing table  shows  the  time  spent  there  by  the  different  classes  of  prisoners: 


74 


REPORT  OF   CRIME   COM'MITTEE 


TABLE    II.     NUMBER   OF    PERSONS    COMMITTED    TO    COOK 
COUNTY  JAIL,  1913,  WITH   REASONS  FOR  COMMIT- 
MENT  TO  JAIL   AND   NUMBER  OF   DAYS 
SPENT   IN  JAIL 
(Data   from   County  Jail   Records.) 

>> 

u 

<->  2  r;:         .5  g     -S.t;     ^  •*"         <" 

Time  spent  in  County  Jail       U            K          *'  <'ts-t-ucy^S  ++  H 

Less   than   1   week 3,303      276          2  245  74  175  147  4,222 

1  week  and  less  than  2 1,090       119         27  75  . .  48  42  1,401 

2  weeks  and  less  than  3....    331         52         67  66  .  .  18  20  554 

3  weeks  and  less  than  4....    145        30        55  65  . .  12  38  345 

4  weeks  and  less  than  8....  103  9  109  406  ..  58  26  711 
8  weeks  and  less  than  12...  5  1  17  389  ..  29  13  454 
12  weeks  and  less  than  16..        2       ...           3  321  . .  30  6  362 

16  weeks  and  less  than  20 1       ...  154  . .  20  7  182 

20  weeks  and  less  than  24..         1       65  ..  12  5  83 

24  weeks  and  less  than  28 35  ..  19  1  55 

28  weeks  and  less  than  32 12  ..  7  1  20 

32  weeks  and  over §27  ..  ||27  2  56 

Total     4,980      488      280       1,860      74      455       308      8,445 

*This  does  not  include  all  "no-billed"  cases,  for  many  of  the  others  who 
gave  bail  and  left  the  jail  probably  failed  of  indictment  when  they  came  to 
the  Grand  Jury. 

fThese  are  cases  sentenced  to  the  House  of  Correction  and  merely  put 
into  the  jail  directly  from  court  until  they  can  be  conveyed  the  following  day 
to  the  House  of  Correction. 

JUnder  this  heading  are  grouped  the  cases  for  safekeeping  either  U.  S. 
or  local,  the  remanded  cases,  warrants,  a  few  held  as  witnesses  and  on  writs 
of  ne  exeat. 

§Includes  3  for  32  weeks,  1  for  33.  1  for  34,  3  for  35,  3  for  36,  1  for  37, 
1  for  38.  2  for  39,  3  for  40,  1  for  41,  1  for  42,  4  for  46,  1  for  48,  1  for  50,  and 

1  for  54. 

li Includes  1  for  32  weeks,  1  for  33,  4  for  34,  1  for  35,  3  for  36,  1  for  37, 

2  for  38,  1  for  39,  1  for  43,  4  for  44,  1  for  47,  1  for  50,  3  for  52,  1  for  56,  1  for 
60,  and  1  for  63. 

This  table,  unfortunately,  does  not  follow  the  classification  in  the  pre- 
ceding table.  It  is  not  possible,  for  example,  in  this  table  to  ascertain  how 
many  of  those  who  were  held  to  the  Grand  Jury  were  discharged,  for  al- 
though one  group  includes  "no-billed"  cases,  it  is  pointed  out  that  all  of  the 
"no-bills"  are  not  included  and  the  other  groups  such  as  "stricken  out," 
"nolle  prossed,"  and  "tried  and  found  not  guilty"  are  equally  impossible  of 
identification. 

In  spite  of  these  drawbacks,  the  table  indicates  very  clearly  the  great 
hardships  caused  by  "the  law's  delays."  Of  the  "no-billed"  cases,  for  ex- 
ample, 251  were  kept  in  the  County  Jail  for  periods  ranging  from  two  to  six- 
teen weeks,  surely  a  terrible  punishment  for  people  against  whom  there  is 
not  sufficient  evidence  even  to  secure  an  indictment.  Of  those  held  awaiting 
hearings  before  the  Grand  Jury  or  continuances,  the  table  shows  that  587 
"lay  in  jail,"  as  the  saying  goes,  for  periods  varying  from  two  to  twenty-four 
weeks.  The  longest  periods  of  imprisonment,  however,  are  endured  by  those 
who  are  awaiting  trial  after  indictment.  The  table  shows  that  1,860  persons 
unable  to  secure  bail  were  held  in  jail  for  this  purpose  last  year  and  that  1,409, 
or  75  per  cent  of  these  men,  who  it  must  be  remembered  are  supposed  to  be 
innocent  until  they  are  tried,  were  held  in  jail  awaiting  trial  for  periods 
varying  from  four  weeks  to  one  year. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  75 

Not  only  because  of  the  long  periods  during  which  these  thousands  of 
persons  awaiting  trial  or  hearing  are  confined  in  the  County  Jail,  but  also 
because  of  the  fact  that  455  persons  are  sentenced  to  terms  of  imprisonment 
there,  some  of  them  for  periods  longer  than  one  year,  it  is  important  to  know 
something  about  the  conditions  of  the  jail  cell-houses.  No  investigation  of 
the  jail  has  been  made  for  the  Committee,  but  the  report  made  in  May,  1912,  by 
the  Inspector  of  Institutions  for  the  State  Charities  Commission  has  been 
published  in  the  Institution  Quarterly*  and  is  fortunately  available.  Con- 
cerning the  so-called  "newer  cell-house,"  which  was  built  nearly  twenty  years 
ago,  the  State  Inspector  made  the  following  report: 

"The  so-called  newer  cell-house  was  built  in  1895.  There  are  seven  tiers 
of  cells  in  the  department;  each  tier  has  twenty-six  cells  which  are  placed  in 
rows  of  thirteen. 

The  jail  room  has  windows  on  all  sides  save  the  south;  the  east  wall  is 
mainly  windows,  the  west  and  north  sides  have  fewer  windows,  but  good  air 
circulation  is  provided  for  the  outer  corridors. 

The  fifth,  six  and  seventh  tiers  of  cells  are  on  one  floor.  Therefore  the 
men  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  tiers  exercise  on  a  common  corridor,  as  this  cor- 
ridor is  between  the  two  rows  of  cells,  and  the  solid  iron  doors  are  closed 
during  exercise  hours,  and  light  is  admitted  only  through  the  bars  at  the  north- 
ern extremity.     Artificial  light  is  used  throughout  the  day. 

As  minors  are  placed  on  the  seventh  tier,  they  easily  communicate  with 
the  men.  They  are  not  allowed  on  the  ground  corridor,  but,  when  they  walk 
on  the  platform  surrounding  their  cells,  they  are  closely  associated  with  the 
older  men. 

Men  are  locked  in  their  cells  save  for  two  hours  in  the  morning,  two 
hours  in  the  afternoon,  and  one  hour  in  the  evening.  The  boys  exercise  in 
the  schoolroom  during  one  hour  of  the  evening. 

Each  cell  is  of  iron,  has  bars  in  the  back,  solid  door,  sanitary  toilet, 
wash  bowl  with  running  water  and  two  bunks. 

As  the  only  openings  in  the  cells  are  the  bar  backs,  those  cells  which 
are  opposite  solid  walls  are  very  dark.  The  wall  on  the  west  side  has  few 
windows  and  consequently  the  cells  on  this  side  are  very  dark.  Men  who 
ofifend  in  any  way  are  placed  on  this  side,  while  obedient  prisoners  receive 
the  cells  on  the  eastern  sides.  In  the  dark  cells  it  is  necessary  to  use  candle 
light  for  reading,  as  the  electric  light  in  the  corridor  is  too  far  away  to  light 
the  cells. 

Shower  baths  are  accessible  to  the  men,  at  their  option.  Every  one  must 
bathe  twice  a  week  in  summer  and  once  a  week  in  winter.  Separate  towels 
are  provided. 

On  the  first  floor  are  placed  four  tiers  of  cells.  When  it  is  remembered 
that  there  are  two  men  to  a  cell  (when  the  jail  is  crowded,  additional  men 
are  placed  in  the  cells),  that  each  tier  has  twenty-six  cells,  one  can  conceive 
what  it  means  to  have  the  occupants  of  all  these  cells  exercising  in  a  com- 
mon dark  corridor." 

Concerning  the  cells  in  the  so-called  "old  jail,"  which  was  built  forty-two 
years  ago,  but  which  is  still  in  use,  the  following  report  is  made: 

"The  old  jail  department  was  built  in  1872;  where,  in  the  newer  section, 
steel  was  used  in  the  construction,  in  this  section,  stone  was  used. 

There  are  four  tiers  of  cells  arranged  in  two  rows.  The  cells  are  placed 
back  to  back,  seventeen  in  a  row.  The  windows  are  in  the  upper  halves  of 
the  walls  so  that  the  lower  cells  are  dark.  There  are  ten  windows  on  the 
north   side,   ten  on  the   south   side,  two  on   the  west,   and   none  on   the  east. 

The  exercise  corridor  surrounds  the  cells,  and  all  the  men  in  the  old 
section  occupy  this  common  corridor  during  exercise  hours.  During  the  day 
of  inspection    about  300  men  were  confined  in  this  department. 

Each  cell  has  a  sanitary  toilet,  a  wash  bowl,  with  running  water,  and 
two  canvass  hammocks  with  blankets.  The  only  ventilation  is  secured  by 
means  of  bar  doors.  As,  during  the  winter  months,  it  is  often  necessary  to 
confine  five  men  in  a  single  cell,  the  inadequate  provision  for  light  and  air 
cannot  be  overestimated. 

Tubercular  and  venereal  patients  are  kept  on  the  fourth  tier  of  cells. 

Prisoners  are  transferred  to  this  old  cell-house,  after  they  leave  the 
receiving  cells;   if  their  behaviour  is  good,  they  are  transferred   to  the  dark 


*The  Institution  Quarterly,  vol.   IV,   No.  3:  83-84.     (Sept.  30,   1913.) 


It  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

side   of  the   new   cell-house  and   thence   to   the  lighter  side   of  the  new   cell- 
house." 

Certainly  this  description  of  dark,  crowded,  and  unventilated  cells  and 
of  equally  dark,  crowded  corridors  is  very  important  in  view  of  the  statistics 
that  have  been  presented.  With  regard  to  five  men  in  a  single  cell,  the  State 
Inspector  speaks  moderately  in  saying  that  "the  inadequate  provision  for 
light  and  air  cannot  be  overestimated."  It  is,  however,  important  to  recall 
in  the  light  of  these  descriptions  the  fact  that  the  great  majority,  about  85 
per  cent,  of  the  prisoners  in  the  County  Jail  are  only  there  awaiting  trial; 
they  have  not  been  found  guilty,  and  in  the  vast  majority  of  cases  if  they 
had  not  been  poor  they  would  have  been  released  on  bail. 

That  a  great  and  wealthy  community  like  Cook  County,  Illinois,  can 
maintain  a  public  institution  so  far  behind  all  modern  ideals  of  social  justice 
is,  indeed,  almost  unbelievable.  Moreover,  it  is  an  accepted  theory  today  that 
confinement  under  such  conditions  must  tend  not  to  prevent  crime,  but  to 
create  criminals. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  report  has  shown  that  during  the  past  year 
more  than  14,000  persons  were  committed  to  the  House  of  Correction 
and  that  82  per  cent  were  committed  merely  for  the  non-payment  of  fines,  it 
has  seemed  worth  while  to  include  here  the  statistics  of  the  report  of  the 
State  Inspector*  which  deal  with  the   House  of  Correction. 

"The  so-called  west  cell-house  is  a  one-year  old  building,  which  extends 
north  and  south,  having  windows  on  all  sides.  The  building,  vauled  at 
$225,000  was  built  by  inmate  labor;  it  is  attractive,  from  an  artistic  stand- 
point, whether  looked  at  from  the  exterior  or  the  interior. 

Two  rows  of  cells  are  arranged  on  either  side  of  a  30-foot  corridor  which 
is  itself  lighted  and  ventilated  by  windows  at  either  end,  by  sky-light  and 
by  windows  near  the  roof.  There  are  four  tiers  of  cells.  Each  cell  is  of 
iron,  is  6x9x8^  feet  in  size,  has  concrete  floors;  each  cell  has  an  outside 
window  2x4  feet  and  a  bar  door  2^2x7  feet.  Bar  transoms  extend  across 
the  entire  front  of  the  cells.  A  single  iron  cot,  with  mattress,  sheets,  pillows 
and  blankets,  a  wash  bowl  with  running  water,  and  a  sanitary  toilet  furnish 
each  cell.  In  addition  every  man  has  a  stool,  his  own  towel,  and  books  from 
the  library,   if  he   desires  them. 

The  men  who  are  lodged  in  this  cell-house  dine  at  tables  placed  in  the 
light,  cheery  corridor.  The  inspector  saw  a  good  meal  served  with  plates, 
knives  and  forks.  As  this  cell-house  is  enjoyed  by  all  the  prisoners,  and  the 
old  building  is  very  undesirable,  men  who  work  in  the  shops  are  lodged  in 
this  department. 

South  of  the  main  building  is  a  cell-house  which  is  458  feet  long.  The 
wing  extends  north  and  south,  having  windows  in  the  upper  half  of  the  wall 
on  the  east  and  west  sides.  The  cells  are  of  concrete,  are  placed  back  to  back, 
and  are  at  a  distance  of  about  12  feet  from  the  walls.  The  only  cell  ventila- 
tion consists  of  a  small  opening,  in  which  night  buckets  are  placed,  and  a  bar 
door  2x5^  feet.  A  double  iron  frame  arrangement  is  used  for  placing  two 
mattresses  in  each  cell.  The  cells,  each  5x8x8  feet,  are  dark  and  ill-ventilated. 
There  are  640  cells,  arranged  in  two  rows — back  to  back — and  four  tiers.  The 
upper  tier  is  rarely  used,  as  the  air  is  especially  vile  at  this  height.  The 
approach  to  the  upper  cells  is  by  means  of  wooden  platform  and  stairs;  the 
danger  is  obvious  when  it  is  considered  that  there  are  two  men  to  a  cell. 

Men  wash  in  troughs,  provided  with  running  water.  Separate  towels  are 
used. 

The  north  cell-house  is  north  of  the  central  wing,  extends  north  and  south, 
and  has  windows  on  the  east  and  west  sides.  There  are  408  cells,  arranged 
in  two  rows  and  four  tiers.  The  cells  are  of  steel,  each  5x8x8  feet,  and  are 
ventilated  by  iron  bar  doors  2x5^  feet.  There  are  openings  in  the  cells,  for 
the  reception  of  night  buckets.  Air  is  forced  through  these  openings  at 
night. 

The  windows  are  placed  in  the  upper  part  of  the  wall  so  that  the  lower 
cells  are  dark.  The  cells  are  at  a  distance  of  about  12  feet  from  the  windows, 
which  are  in  the  outside  wall.  As  in  the  south  cell-house,  the  stairs  and  plat- 
forms are  of  wood,  the  cell  ventilation  is  bad,  and  two  men  are  crowded  into  a 
single  cell. 


*The  Institution  Quarterly,  vol.  IV,  No.  3:  124-125.     (Sept.  30,  1913.) 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO,  11 

Both  the  north  and  south  cell-houses  seem  especially  undesirable  since 
it  is  possible  to  compare  them  with  the  new  cell-house  which  is  a  model  of 
sanitation." 

At  the  time  of  inspection  there  were  1,389  men  and  117  women  confined 
in  the  House  of  Correction,  and  during  that  year  the  reports  show  that  11,282 
persons  were  committed  to  the  House  of  Correction  for  periods  of  time  vary- 
ing from  1  day  to  15  months.  It  is  important  to  note  too  that  the  report  by 
the  Civil  Service  Commission  on  Prison  Labor  and  Management  House  of 
Correction,  which  was  made  as  recently  as  March,  1914,  confirms  the  report 
of  the  State  Inspector  made  two  years  previously.  With  regard  to  housing 
and  sanitation,  this  report  contains  the  following  statements  regarding  the 
cell-house  of  the  House  of  Correction: 

"Of  the  three  cell-houses  occupied  by  men  inmates,  the  south  cell-house 
is  antiquated  and  is  generally  unsuited  for  its  present  purpose.  The  sanitary 
arrangements  are  bad  and  prisoners  are  not  assigned  to  the  top  tier  of  cells, 
which  are  the  worst  except  at  that  season  of  the  year  when  the  population  is 
greatest.  This  cell-house  should  be  replaced  at  an  early  date  by  one  of  mod- 
ern construction.  The  west  cell-house  is  new  and  of  modern  construction, 
having  a  toilet  and  wash  basin  in  every  cell.  The  building  is  scrupulously 
clean  and  the  inmates  assigned  to  this  cell-house  take  pride  in  keeping  it  so. 

Sanitary  conditions  throughout  the  institution  are  fairly  good,  although 
in  the  two  old  cell-houses  occupied  by  men,  viz.,  the  north  and  south  cell- 
houses,  toilet  facilities  are  bad.  When  the  old  cell-houses  are  replaced  by 
modern  ones  bad  conditions  will  have  been  removed."  * 

It  will  be  noted  that  none  of  these  reports  criticises  the  management 
either  of  the  County  Jail  or  of  the  House  of  Correction;  they  simply  point 
out  that  the  cell-houses  in  which  thousands  of  men,  many  of  whom  are  inno- 
cent or  are  guilty  only  of  minor  offenses,  are  confined  are  utterly  unfit  to  be 
occupied  by  human  beings.  It  would  seem,  indeed,  as  if  Cook  County  might 
be  able-  to  find  the  money  to  erect  a  modern  building  to  replace  a  jail  built 
nearly  half  a  century  ago  at  a  time  when  jails  were  not  expected  to  be  any- 
thing more  than  "whited  sepulchers."  It  has  been  pointed  out  that  only  a 
small  percentage  of  the  persons  confined  there  have  been  tried  and  found 
guilty  of  any  ofifense;  but  even  if  men  are  guilty,  it  is  no  longer  considered 
good  public  policy  to  deprive  them  of  light  and  air  and  to  crowd  five  men  into 
a  cell  not  large  enough  for  two. 

The  two  following  tables  were  prepared  from  data  obtained  from  the 
Jailer's  records.  Table  III  shows  the  number  of  days  each  month  on  which 
the  jail  contained  a  specified  number  of  prisoners.  Table  IV  shows  the  length 
of  sentence  of  455  persons  sentenced  to  imprisonment  in  the  County  Jail, 
together  with  the  actual  time  spent  in  jail.  This  table  shows  that  some  pris- 
oners sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  only  one,  two,  three  or  four  weeks  spent 
more  than  that  number  of  months  in  jail. 

TABLE  III.     DAILY  POPULATION  OF  THE  COUNTY  JAIL  DURING 

1913. 
Number  of  days  on  which  jail  population  was — 
Month.  350-399   400-449  450-499  500-549     550-599  600-649  650-699  700-749 

January ..  ..  ..  5  17  8  1 

February    . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  26  2 

March    . .  . .  •  •  .  •  1  30 

April    ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  29  1 

May    ..  ..  ..  ..  4  27 


June    ..  ..               2              6             10            1 

July ..  2  25              4 

August  4  14  13 

September    ....   27  3  . .  . . 

October  2  17  12 

November ..  28  2 

December ..  ••  11            20 

Total    33  34  55  40            35            32          131 


1 


*Report  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  City  of  Chicago,  1914.     Prison 
Labor  and  Management  House  of  Correction,  p.  25. 


78 


REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 


TABLE    IV.      LENGTH    OF    SENTENCE    OF    PERSONS,    TOGETHER 

WITH  ACTUAL  TIME  SPENT  IN  JAIL.     (FROM'  THE 

RECORDS  OF  THE  COUNTY  JAIL.) 


§ 

03 
ID 

to 

m 

m 

5 

to 

tn 

5^* 

'6 

Actual  time  spent  in  jail. 

CO  -i-t 

n  o 

c 

o 

£ 

o 

S 

CO 

c 
0 

S 

a 
0 

g 

0 

£ 

to 

—  to     E-i 

Less  than  1   week 

...68 

8 
17 

2 

1 

9 

3 

4 
2 

10 
3 

21 

5 

1 

52  175 

1  and  less  than    2  weeks. 

...     8 

9    48 

2  and  less  than    3  weeks. 

1 

3 

2 

5 

"i 

6    18 

3  and  less  than    4  weeks. 

2 

1 

3 

6    12 

4  and  less  than    8  weeks. 

4 

2 

23* 

'i 

'3 

5 

"i 

18    58 

8  and  less  than  12  weeks. 

2 

1 

10 

1 

3 

12    29 

12  and  less  than  16  weeks. 

.'.'.'   i 

1 

1 

'8 

8 

1 

8    30 

16  and  less  than  20  weeks. 

1 

1 

3 

"s 

4 

"i 

"i 

4    20 

20  weeks  and  over 

1 

3 

4 

5 

3 

is 

ii 

20    65t 

Total 

...79 

36 

13 

51 

27t 

34§ 

4 

1 

61 

14  135  455 

♦Includes  one  37,  one  40,  and  one  42  day  sentence. 

tincludes  1  in  jail  for  20  weeks,  3  for  21  weeks,  4  for  22,  4  for  23,  3  for  24, 
6  for  25,  9  for  26,  1  for  27,  5  for  28,  2  for  30,  1  for  32,  1  for  33,  4  for  34,  1  for  35, 
3  for  36.  1  for  37,  2  for  38,  1  for  39,  1  for  43,  4  for  44,  1  for  47,  1  for  50,  3  for 
52,  1  for  56,  1  for  60,  and  1  for  63  weeks. 

^Includes  one  66,  one  68,  and  one  69  day  sentence. 

§Includes  one  105,  one  107,  and  one  114  day  sentence. 

II  In  "term  unspecified"  most  of  the  sentences  are  probably  for  one  day  or 
less  for  35  cases  where  the  prisoners  were  waiting  trial  after  indictment;  the 
rest  are  judgments  against  debtors,  are  attachments,  or  are  fines,  and  the 
length  of  time  spent  in  jail  dependent  upon  the  capability  of  the  person 
convicted  to  discharge  debt  or  fine  or  judgment. 

The  cases  of  discrepancy  between  length  of  sentence  and  actual  time 
spent  in  jail  are  explained  usually  by  the  fact  of  imprisonment  while  awaiting 
trial,  but  partly  because  the  sentence  would  read  so  many  days  in  jail  or  so 
much  money,  or  perhaps  ten  days  in  jail  and  fine  and  costs.  The  inability  to 
pay  fine  or  costs  would  lengthen  the  stay;  the  ability  to  pay  would  shorten  it. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  79 

APPENDIX  C 

DISCUSSION  OF  THE  VALUE,   FOR    COMPARATIVE 

PURPOSES,  OF  THE  STATISTICS  OF 

CRIMINAL  COMPLAINTS 


In  attempting  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  crime,  it  is,  of  course,  most  impor- 
tant to  have  statistics  showing  the  crimes  known  to  the  police.  It  is  important 
also  to  have  statistics  showing  the  number  of  offenders  arrested  in  comparison 
with  the  number  of  crimes  and  the  number  of  offenders  convicted.  It  has 
already  been  explained  that  the  Criminal  Judicial  Statistics  of  England  and 
Wales  furnish  such  statistics  annually.  In  Chicago,  statistics  of  criminal  com- 
plaints are  available,  but  after  a  careful  examination  of  these  statistics,  the 
conclusion  was  unavoidable,  for  reasons  set  forth  in  the  following  section,  that 
the  statistics  of  criminal  complaints  could  not  be  legitimately  compared  with 
statistics  of  arrests  and  convictions. 

Statistics  were  given  in  Table  1,  page  20,  of  the  text  showing  the  number 
of  criminal  complaints  and  arrests  on  felony  charges.  These  statistics  are 
presented  again  in  the  table  given  below,  showing  also,  over  the  whole  period 
for  which  statistics  are  available,  what  per  cent  the  arrests  are,  each  year,  of 
complaints.  The  question  of  whether  or  not  this  comparison  between  com- 
plaints and  arrests  is  legitimate  is  discussed  below. 

TABLE  I.     CRIMINAL  COMPLAINTS  AND  ARRESTS*  ON  FELONY 

CHARGES,  1905-1913. 

Arrests  (Felonies), 

Per  Cent  of 

Date.  Complaints.  Number.  Complaints. 

1905  11,732  12,144  103.5 

1906  10,754  12,376  115.1 

1907  11,292  10,653  94.3 

1908  11.034  10.551  95.6 

1909  10,697  9,656  90.3 

1910  10,718  9,376  87.5 

1911  11,730  9,881  84.2 

1912  13,032  10,276  78.9 

1913  14,340  11,203  78.1 
♦Statistics  of  arrests  are  really  statistics  of  charges:     See  note  2,  Table  1 

in  Part  1  of  the  Report. 

The  comparison  between  criminal  complaints  and  arrests  on  felony 
charges  presented  in  this  table  is  of  value  only  (1)  if  all  criminal  complaints 
represent  actual  crimes  justifying  arrests,  and  (2)  if  arrests  upon  felony 
charges  are  made  only  upon  the  filing  of  a  criminal  complaint.  If  these  sup- 
positions were  true,  if  the  complaints  represented  all  of  the  actual  crimes 
known  to  the  police  and  if  the  arrests  represented  the  number  of  persons 
charged  with  those  crimes  who  had  been  apprehended,  then  the  ratio  of  arrests 
to  complaints  would  be  significant  and  would  fairly  represent  the  percentage 
of  crime  dealt  with  by  the  police.  Unfortunately,  however,  it  seems  to  be  true 
that  neither  of  these  suppositions  is  correct.  Criminal  complaints  seem  to 
include  all  complaints  of  crimes  even  when  the  complaints  are  unfounded. 
If  "complaints"  of  burglary  and  larceny,  for  example,  are  made  by  oeople 
who  later  find  their  property,  their  complaints  are  nevertheless  counted  along 
with  complaints  of  actual  crimes.  On  the  other  hand,  the  statistics  of  arrests 
undoubtedly  include  a  very  large  number  of  arrests  made  without  the  filing 
of  a  criminal  complaint.  Arrests  on  felony  charges  are  undoubtedly  made  by 
the  police  "on  view,"  and,  even  if  this  is  not  a  common  practice,  it  would 
render  comparisons  between  complaints  and  arrests  untrustworthy. 

A  much  more  serious  difficulty  in  the  way  of  such  a  comparison  is  the  fact 
that  some  offenses  that  are  not  felonies  are  nevertheless  classed  as  felonies  in 
the  police  statistics.  Included  in  their  list  of  felonies,  for  example,  is  the 
ofifense  "contributing  to  the  delinquency  and  dependency  of  children."  There 
were,  in  1913,  1,528  arrests  on  this  charge,  but  no  criminal  complaints  are  filed 
for  this  ofifense.     It  seems  to  be  clear  that  the  police  statistics  of  arrests  for 


80 


REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 


felonies  include  this  large  group  of  offenders  not  included  at  all  in  the  statis- 
tics of  criminal  complaints. 

Looking  back  at  the  preceding  table  in  the  light  of  these  facts,  it  is 
apparent  that  the  percentages  in  that  table  are  meaningless.  The  table  showed 
that  during  the  period  from  1905  to  1913  the  number  of  arrests  on  felony 
charges  ranged  from  78.1  per  cent  to  115.1  per  cent  of  the  number  of  criminal 
complaints.  According  to  this  table,  in  five  out  of  the  nine  years  for  which 
statistics  are  available,  the  arrests  were  90  per  cent  or  more  than  90  per  cent 
of  the  complaints,  and  in  one  year  the  arrests  greatly  exceeded  the  com- 
plaints. An  excess  of  arrests  or  a  percentage  of  arrests  as  high  as  90  per 
cent  is  easily  explained  if  arrests  on  felony  charges  are  made  by  the  police 
"on  view"  or  in  some  way  other  than  upon  the  filing  of  a  criminal  complaint. 
It  should  be  noted,  too,  that  the  number  of  arrests  might,  of  course,  be  greater 
than  the  number  of  complaints  if  a  large  number  of  individuals  were  arrested 
in  connection  with  some  one  crime  the  a^uthor  of  which  could  not  be  dis- 
covered. In  the  case  of  the  legitimate  arrest  of  several  persons  who  were  all 
involved  in  one  crime  there  would  be  a  series  of  complaints,  and  no  excess 
of  arrests  could  be  accounted  for  in  that  way.  An  actual  excess  of  arrests  has 
happened,  however,  in  the  year  1906,  when  arrests  were  115.1  per  cent  of 
complaints. 

It  seems  to  be  clear,  therefore,  that  comparison  between  the  total  number 
of  criminal  complaints  and  the  total  number  of  arrests  on  felony  charges  is 
not  legitimate.*  Even  a  comparison  of  complaints  and  arrests  on  specific 
crimes  such  as  burglary,  robbery  and  larceny,  while  it  eliminates  the  difficulty 
caused  by  the  inclusion  of  such  ofifenses  as  "contributing  to  delinquency,"  is 
yet  open  to  other  objections  that  have  been  mentioned. 

A  clearer  idea  of  the  relation  between  complaints  and  arrests  may  be 
obtained  by  comparing  complaints  and  arrests  for  specific  crimes.  Data  for 
such  a  comparison  are  available  for  a  series  of  years,  but  are  given  only  for 
the  years  1913  and  1912,  and  for  these  years  separately. 

TABLE    II.     COMPLAINTS    AND    ARRESTS    FOR    BURGLARY,    LAR- 
CENY, ROBBERY,  AND  OTHER  FELONIES,  1912,  1913. 

1913 1912 

Arrests Arrests 

Per  Cent  Per  Cent 

Com-       Num-    of  Com-       Com-        Num-     of  Com- 

Oflfense.  plaints.       ber.      plaints.       plaints.       ber.      plaints. 

Burglary   6,534        1,053         16.1         5,458         1,117        20.5 

Larceny    5,375         4,593         85.5         5,523         4,198         76.0 

Robbery    1,389         1,022        73.6        1,277         1,106        86.6 

Total   Burglary,   Larceny 

and    Robbery 13,298        6,668        50.1       12,258        6,421         52.4 

*Other  felonies    1,042        4,535      435.2  774        3,855      498.1 

Total    14,340      11,203        78.1       13,032       10,276        78.9 

*Other  felonies  included  in  the  table  of  arrests  1913:  Confidence  game 
681,  receiving  stolen  property  451,  murder  (including  accessory  to  and  assault 
to  commit)  498,  mayhem  and  manslaughter  57,  embezzlement  and  forgery 
262,  contributing  to  delinquency  1,528,  malicious  mischief  250,  rape  258,  other 
offenses  against  public  morals  188,  kidnaping  and  threats  to  kidnap  78,  arson 
85,  other  felonies  163,  pandering  (not  a  felony)  36. 

*Nothing  has  been  said  about  the  possibility  of  the  statistics  of  complaints 
not  being  accurately  kept.  Such  statistics  as  are  furnished  by  the  police  de- 
partment have  been  assumed  to  be  good  of  their  kind.  But  the  questionable 
value  of  all  statistics  of  complaints  is  indicated  in  this  extract  from  the  Final 
Report  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  on  Police  Investigation,  1911-1912 
(page  33):  "The  Commission  has  heard  testimony  and  has  received  com- 
munications in  vast  number  that  complaints,  either  by  writing,  by  telephone, 
or  by  word  of  mouth,  when  they  affect  gambling,  street  walking,  disorderly 
houses,  all-night  saloons,  and  similar  violations  receive  but  scant  courtesy  at 
the  station  in  precincts  where  these  conditions  abound.  Some  complaint  has 
also  been  made  that  the  same  rule  applies  to  petty  thievery,  activities  of 
pickpockets,  and  even  of  burglaries  and  robberies.  The  method  in  vogue  of 
desk  sergeants  writing  verbal  complaints  on  slips  of  paper,  placing  them  on 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO 


81 


This  table  shows  that  according  to  the  statistics  furnished  by  the  police 
department  the  arrests  for  burglary  in  1913  were  16.1  per  cent  of  the  number 
of  complaints,  the  arrests  for  larceny  85.5  per  cent  of  the  complaints,  and  the 
arrests  for  robbery  73.6  per  cent  of  the  complaints.  The  corresponding  per- 
centages for  1912  were  20.5  per  cent  of  the  burglary  complaints,  76.0  per  cent 
of  the  larceny  complaints,  and  86.6  per  cent  of  the  robbery  complaints.  That 
is,  the  arrests  for  burglary,  larceny  and  robbery  were  50.1  per  cent  of  the 
number  of  complaints  in  1913  and  52.4  per  cent  of  the  number  of  complaints 
in  1912. 

The  most  striking  fact  in  this  table,  however,  is  the  undue  proportion  of 
arrests  for  "other  felonies."  Although  the  arrests  for  burglary,  larceny  and 
robbery  were  about  one-half  of  the  number  of  complaints  on  these  charges, 
the  arrests  for  other  felonies  were  four  times  the  number  of  complaints  in 
1913  and  five  times  the  number  of  complaints  in   1912. 

It  is  clear  that  statistics  of  arrests  and  complaints  are  not  comparable  if, 
as  these  tables  indicate,  the  arrests  for  burglary,  larceny  and  robbery  con- 
stitute only  about  50  per  cent  of  the  complaints  on  these  charges  and  the 
number  of  arrests  for  other  crimes  is  four  or  five  times  the  number  of  com- 
plaints. 

A  further  comparison  that  should  be  examined  is  a  comparison  between 
complaints,  arrests  and  convictions.  The  following  tables  present  such  a  com- 
parison. The  first  table.  Table  III,  is  compiled  from  the  police  statistics,  and, 
therefore,  includes  under  "felonies"  some  offenses,  e.  g.,  "contributing  to  de- 
linquency" and  "petit  larceny,"  that  are  not  felonies.  The  other  table,  which 
has  been  prepared  from  statistics  furnished  by  the  Municipal  Court,  is  based 
on  a  different  classification.  The  court  statistics  do  not  classify  as  felonies 
offenses  that  are  technically  only  misdemeanors.  This  Table,  Table  IV,  shows, 
together  with  the  number  of  criminal  complaints,  the  number  of  preliminary 
hearings  in  the  Municipal  Court,  and  the  disposition  during  the  same  year  of 
all  cases  that  finally  reached  the  Criminal  Court. 

TABLE    III.     CRIMINAL    COMPLAINTS,    ARRESTS    AND    CONVIC- 
TIONS, 1913.     (STATISTICS  FROM   REPORT  OF  SUPERIN- 
TENDENT OF  POLICE,  1913.) 

Arrests Convictions 

Criminal  Per  Cent  Per  Cent    Per  >^ent 

Com-       Num-    of  Com-      Num-     of  Ar-     of  Com- 

Charge.  plaints.        ber.       plaints.         ber.       rests.       plaints. 

Burglary   6,534        1,053         16.1  289        27.4  4.4 

Larceny    5,375        4,593        85.5        2,219        48.3        41.3 

Robbery    1,389         1,022        73.6  171         16.7         12.3 

Total    Burglary,    Larceny 

and  Robbery  13,298         6,668         50.1         2,679        40.2         20.1 

Other  felonies    1,042        4,535      435.2        1,587        35.0       152.3 

Total    14,340       11,203        78.1        4,266        38.1         29.7 

TABLE  IV.     CRIMINAL  COMPLAINTS  (POLICE  STATISTICS),  PRE- 
LIMINARY  HEARINGS  AND   FINAL   DISPOSITION   IN   CRIM- 
INAL COURT  OF  CASES  HEARD  THERE,  1912.    (MUNI- 
CIPAL  COURT   STATISTICS.) 

Preliminary  Hear-       Convictions  Criminal 

ings Court 

Criminal  Per  Cent  Per  Cent  Per  Cent 

Com-        Num-     of  Com-    Num-    of  Pre-     of  Corn- 
Charge,  plaints.  ber.       plaints.        ber.    lim.  Hear,  plaints. 

Burglary    5,379         1,127         21.0  337         29.9  6.3 

Larceny   5,458        2,204        40.4  172  7.8  3.2 

Robbery    1,225  987        80.6  197        20.0         16.1 

a  spindle  and  tearing  them  up  when  an  officer  reports  thereon,  needs  no  com- 
ment. The  matter  of  running  out  and  reporting  on  all  complaints  is  of  such 
vital  importance  to  the  individual  citizen  that  the  common  expression  by  the 
citizen  that  it  is  of  no  use  to  make  complaint  should  never  be  heard  in  the 
city  of  Chicago." 


82  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

tPreliminary  Hear-     Convictions  Criminal 

ings Court 

*Criminal                  Per  Cent  Per  Cent  Per  Cent 
Com-       Num-     of  Com-  Num-    of  Pre-  of  Corn- 
Charge,                           plaints.        ber.       plaints,  ber.  lim.Hear.  plaints. 
Total    Burglary,    Larceny 

and    Robbery    12,062        4,318        35.8  706        16.4          5.9 

Other  felonies   677        2,833      418.5  229          8.1        33.8 

Total    12,739        7,151        56.1  935        13.1  7.3 

tCases  pending  were  subtracted  from  these  columns  as  follows:  Burglary 
24,  Larceny  52,  Robbery  28,  Other  Felonies  107. 

*Statistics  in  this  table  are  all  for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1912,  since 
comparable  statistics  from  the  Criminal  and  Municipal  Courts  are  available 
only  for  this  year.  For  this  reason  criminal  complaints  are  different  from 
those  for  1913  in  Table  III,  which  are  for  the  year  ending  December  31. 

A  comparison  between  Tables  III  and  IV  shows  quite  clearly  the  result  of 
combining  and  of  separating  the  cases  of  grand  and  petit  larceny.  In  the 
police  statistics  of  felonies  where  they  were  not  separated,  the  number  of 
convictions  was  48.3  per  cent  of  the  number  of  arrests;  in  the  Municipal  Court 
statistics  of  felonies  which  deal  only  with  grand  larceny  the  number  of  convic- 
tions was  only  7.8  per  cent  of  the  number  of  preliminary  hearings.  Larceny 
convictions,  according  to  the  police  statistics,  were  41.3  per  cent  of  larceny 
complaints;  according  to  court  statistics  they  were  only  3.2  per  cent  of  the 
complaints.  It  must,  of  course,  be  noted  that  these  two  sets  of  statistics  are 
not  for  the  same  year.  The  police  statistics  are  for  the  year  ending  Dec.  31, 
1913;  the  Municipal  Court  statistics  are  for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1912. 
There  is,  however,  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  percentage  of  convictions  has 
changed  very  much  within  a  year,  and  the  difference  between  48.3  per  cent  of 
convictions  in  the  table  from  the  police  statistics  and  7.8  per  cent  from  the 
Municipal  Court  statistics  can  be  explained  only  by  the  fact  that  the  latter 
deals  with  grand  larceny  and  the  former  with  all  larceny  cases. 

Because  of  this  difference  in  the  police  and  municipal  court  classification, 
it  does  not  seem  any  more  legitimate  to  make  comparisons  between  criminal 
complaints  and  the  criminal  court  convictions  in  the  case  of  larceny  than  in 
the  case  of  "all  felonies." 

Comparing  statistics  for  burglary  and  robbery  in  the  two  tables  we  find 
that  the  Municipal  Court  statistics  show  a  somewhat  higher  percentage  of  pre- 
liminary hearings,  "cases  disposed  of,"  than  the  police  statistics  show  of 
arrests,  but  the  police  statistics  show  a  slightly  lower  percentage  of  convic- 
tions than  the  court  statistics.  That  is,  according  to  the  police  statistics,  the 
convictions  for  robbery  in  1913  were  16.7  per  cent  of  the  arrests  on  this 
charge,  and  12.3  per  cent  of  the  complaints;  the  convictions  for  burglary 
were  27.4  per  cent  of  the  arrests  and  4.4  per  cent  of  the  complaints.  Ac- 
cording to  the  court  statistics,  the  number  of  convictions  for  robbery  in  1912 
were  20  per  cent  of  the  preliminary  hearings  and  16.1  per  cent  of  the  com- 
plaints; the  convictions  for  burglary  equaled  29.9  per  cent  of  the  preliminary 
hearings  and  6.3  per  cent  of  the  complaints. 

Both  sets  of  statistics,  therefore,  show  that  convictions  on  charges  of 
robbery  and  burglary  are  a  small  percentage  (between  16.7  per  cent  and  30 
per  cent)  of  the  number  of  arrests  or  preliminary  hearings,  and  an  extremely 
small  percentage  (between  4.4  per  cent  and  16.1  per  cent)  of  the  complaints. 
While  it  seems  rather  startling  that  burglary  convictions  equal  in  round  num- 
bers only  4  or  6  per  cent  of  the  complaints,  it  is  probably  true  that  the  small 
percentages  are  to  be  accounted  for  in  part  by  the  fact  that  burglary  com- 
plaints are  changed  sometimes  upon  arrest  and  sometimes  after  trial  to 
charges  of  larceny. 

Questions  involved  in  a  comparison  of  arrests  and  convictions  are  discussed 
with  sufficient  detail  in  the  text  (see  pages  23-24  and  29-31).  The  purpose  of 
this  appendix  is  merely  to  explain  that  the  statistics  of  criminal  complaints 
furnished  by  the  police  department  were  not  included  in  Tables  6.  11,  12,  13, 
because  it  appeared  after  a  careful  analysis  that  the  statistics  of  complaints 
could  not  be  legitimately  compared  with  statistics  of  arrests  or  convictions. 
It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  point  out  that  reliable  statistics  of  "crimes  known 
to  the  police,"  similar  to  the  statistics  published  annually  in  the  Criminal 
Judicial  Statistics  of  England,  should  be  published  each  year  for  Chicago. 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  83 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  criminal  complaints,  it  should  be  explained 
that  statistics  have  also  been  obtained  showing  the  number  of  complaints 
received  in  the  forty-five  police  precincts  of  Chicago,  and  these  statistics  are 
presented  in  Table  V.  Unfortunately,  no  data  are  available  regarding  the 
population  of  these  various  precincts. 

After  what  has  been  said  regarding  the  value  of  the  statistics  of  criminal 
complaints,  it  has  not  seemed  worth  while  to  use  Table  V  as  the  basis  of  a 
discussion  of  "crime  areas."  It  should  also  be  explained  that,  while  statistics 
of  arrests  by  precincts  have  not  been  available  in  the  past,  the  department  is 
now  tabulating  arrests  by  precincts  and  in  the  future  such  data  will  probably 
be  published  in  the  annual  report.  The  sergeant  in  charge  of  the  records, 
however,  very  kindly  supplied  such  data  as  were  already  tabulated  for  the 
first  two  months  of  the  year  1914,  and  these  are  presented  in  Table  VI.  Unfor- 
tunately, only  the  total  number  of  arrests  is  given  for  each  precinct,  and  the 
relative  number  of  felonies  and  misdemeanors  cannot  be  determined. 
TABLE  V.     CRIMINAL  COMPLAINTS  RECEIVED  1912  AND  1913— BY 

POLICE  PRECINCTS.  Other 

Larceny.     Burglary.      Robbery       Crimes.         Total. 
Precinct  1913    1912    1913    1912    1913    1912    1913    1912  1913     1912 

1  180  N.   LaSalle....    989  1,077     244     240       30       38       66    42     1,329     1,397 

2  625   S.   Clark 505      538      129      111        74      102       S3     38       761        789 

3  210   W.    22nd 192     268      192      180      103       92       98  100       585       640 

4  2523    Cottage   Or...    125      111       74       64       48       29       28     19       275       223 

5  454   E.   35th 219     224     199     160       58       48       55    39       531       471 

6  740    W.    35th 68       73       90       90       56       29       27     20       241        212 

7  2913  Loomis   30       24       33       30       28        13        15       7       106         74 

8  3900   S.    California.      25        13       48       26         6         4         6      5         85         48 

9  (Discontinued)     8    ....  4    1    0      13 

10  5233    Lake    271  159  221  175  42  47  20  10  554  391 

11  5001   S.   State 58  90  269  288  32  42  10  9  369  429 

12  6344  Rosalie   89  104  191  146  17  25  10  18  307  293 

13  834  E.  75th 15  11  36  43  7  22  15  6  73  82 

14  200    E.    115th 21  15  45  31  2  3  10  69  49 

15  2938   E.  89th 35  23  35  32  15  7  15  3  lOO  65 

16  3525  E.  106th 18  10  18  11  6  3  6  1  48  25 

17  6347  Wentworth   ..140  92  424  166  61  38  37  13  662  309 

18  8501    S.   Green 51  52  84  85  6  16  8  3  149  156 

19  4736   S.    Halsted...  53  62  65  47  36  21  21  15  175  145 

20  1700  W.  47th 46  38  106  71  14  16  15  13  181  138 

21  943    Maxwell    234  247  476  282  133  88  98  67  941  684 

22  2075    Canalport....  28  46  65  70  9  5  9  23  111  144 

23  1700  W.   21st   PI...  61  43  96  101  24  22  23  27  204  193 

24  2250  W.  13th 56  57  187  179  55  50  24  19  322  305 

25  2656  Lawndale  . . . .  25  13  97  54  11  11  2  3  135  81 

26  4001    Fillmore 84  80  232  207  32  21  53  17  401  325 

27  120  N.   Desplaines.  236  319  144  238  44  61  25  18  449  636 

28  1637  W.   Lake 195  235  194  188  62  50  20  9  471  482 

29  2433    Warren 93  140  149  146  24  20  13  5  279  311 

30  4250  W.   Lake 40  36  97  65  7  4  4  0  148  105 

315610  W.  Lake 27  30  70  78  8  4  S3  110  115 

32  1123  W.   Chicago..  53  94  179  201  36  43  7  9  275  347 

33  1312   W.   North....  14  29  95  94  5  13  S3  119  139 

34  2256  W.  North.  ...  69  82  212  199  31  32  IS  17  327  330 

35  2138  N.  California.  34  43  219  158  44  36  29  27  326  264 

36  3973   Milwaukee....  80  48  119  65  20  17  41  26  260  156 

37  4905   Grand 21  14  32  18  5  5  12  12  70  49 

38  113   W.   Chicago...  342  358  328  248  61  64  48  43  785  713 

39  1501    Hudson    Ill  65  122  67  26  16  11  14  270  162 

40  2126  N.   Halsted...  99  78  117  86  13  16  12  13  241  193 

41  2742   Sheffield    ....  96  91  204  161  17  23  19  27  336  302 

42  3600  N.   Halsted...  196  177  238  173  62  37  25  14  521  401 

43  3801   N.   Robey....  25  60  75  95  13  9  7  1  120  165 

44  1940    Foster 127  102  248  198  20  25  23  17  418  342 

45  7075  N.   Clark 67  44  45  87  4  5  2  3  118  139 

Total   5,363  5,523  6,543  5,458  1,413  1,277  1,038  774  14,357  13,032 


«4  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

TABLE   VI.     ARRESTS   BY   PRECINCTS   DURING  THE   FIRST  TWO 
MONTHS  OF  THE  YEAR  1914. 
Precinct  January       February     Total  for  2  months 

1     281  248  529 

2     492  365  857 

3     439  324  763 

4     242  165  407 

5     298  223  521 

6     113  116  229 

7     82  150  232 

8    39  48  87 

9     

10     79  41  120 

11    234  181  415 

12     107  97  204 

13     63  63  126 

14     118  86  204 

15     175  146  321 

16     44  55  99 

17     173  190  363 

18     22  48  70 

19 206  196  402 

20     148  196  344 

21     479  404  883 

22     82  121  203 

23     127  186  313 

24     87  104  191 

25     51  51  102 

26     88  76  164 

27   805  547  1,352 

28     197  199  396 

29     99  90  189 

30     71  127  198 

31     25  50  75 

32     386  374  760 

33     185  386  571 

34     116  199  315 

35     152  287  439 

36     44  59  103 

37     32  48  80 

38     308  331  639 

39     74  121  195 

40     50  88  138 

41     102  157  259 

42     113  106  219 

43     47  41  88 

44     43  42  85 

45     35  24  59 

Headquarters     214  44  258 

Second    Deputy's    Office 370  137  507 

First    Deputy's    Office 65  26  91 

Detective    Bureau 209  173  382 

Traffic    Division 113  158  271 

Motorcycle    Squad 3  5  8 

Vehicle    Bureau 560  490  1,050               - 

Totals     Sfi^y               8,189  16,876 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  85 

APPENDIX  D 

DISCUSSIONS  OF  RECURRENT  "CRIME-WAVES" 
STATISTICS  OF  ARRESTS  BY  MONTHS 


Discussions  of  so-called  "crime-waves"  constantly  appear  in  the  news- 
papers. It  is  a  question  of  interest  to  determine  whether  or  not  these  "crime- 
waves"  occur  with  any  degree  of  regularity  at  the  same  time  of  the  year. 
The  following  table,  which  shows  the  statistics  of  arrests  (charges)  by 
months,  shows  that  for  the  last  six  years  there  has  been  a  marked  increase 
in  arrests  in  the  month  of  March.  The  number  of  arrests  has  then  fallen 
in  April  (with  the  exception  of  the  year  1908)  and  increased,  but  less  mark- 
edly, in  May  (with  the  exception  of  the  year  1910).  In  four  out  of  the  six 
years  there  has  been  a  "crime-wave"  in  December,  in  two  years  in  January. 

TABLE  I.     MONTHLY  SUMMARY  OF  CHARGES :  1907  TO  1913. 
(From  the  Annual  Reports  of  the  General  Superintendent  of  Police.) 

Month.                           1913.  1912.  1911.  1910.  1909.  1908. 

January   8,462  6,368  5,866  5,856  4,687  4,707 

February    8,191  5,672  5,178  5,517  4,556  4,332 

March 9,357  6,387  5,881  7,245  5,546  5,329 

April 7,817  5,797  5,289  6,011  4,843  5,498 

May    8,243  6,927  6,725  5,978  5,119  5,457 

June   7,792  7,600  7,605  6,948  6,016  5,850 

July 8,800  7,610  7,517  6,661  6,279  6,110 

August  8,901  7,770  7,657  7,813  6,023  5,323 

September    10,202  7,530  1  ,ZZ7  6,445  6,155  5,834 

October    8,874  7,680  7,186  6,592  5,431  4,945 

November    8,857  6,885  6,771  6,109  6,630  4,888 

December    11,761  7,627  7,637  6,043  5,410  5,112 

Total 107,257         83,853  80,649  77,218         66,695  63,385 

Unfortunately,  the  monthly  summary  of  arrests  is  for  "all  ofifenses,"  and 
it  is  not  possible  to  show  arrests  by  months  on  felony  charges  and  on  mis- 
demeanor charges  separately.  There  are  available,  however,  some  statistics 
of  criminal  complaints  by  months  for  the  years  1912  and  1913.  The  statistics 
which  are  given  below  show  that  the  "crime-wave,"  as  far  as  the  more  seri- 
ous crimes  are  concerned,  is  likely  to  occur  in  the  months  of  November  and 
December.  These  are  the  months  when  the  greatest  number  of  burglaries, 
larcenies,  and  robberies  occur,  but  it  is  important  to  note  that  there  seems 
to  be  a  second  "crime-wave"  in  May  of  almost  equal  proportions. 

TABLE   II.     MONTHLY   SUMMARY   OF   CRIA/flNAL   COMPLAINTS   RE- 
CEIVED DURING  1912  AND  1913. 

1913 1912 

Lar-  Burg-  Rob-             Lar-  Burg-  Rob- 
Month        ceny  lary  bery  Other  Total    ceny  lary  bery  Other  Total 

January  391   545   161   117  1,214    381   348  101    52  882 

February  326   469   151    69  1,015    378   475  85   52  990 

March 365   506   96   75  1,042    403   430  83   75  991 

April  365   541    83   63  1,052    413   428  81    54  976 

May    453   576   92   75  1,196    478   540  100   84  1,202 

June  421   508   69   82  1,080    532   454  114   75  1,175 

July          .  521   484   73   88  1,166    520   462  83   70  1,135 

August'.'. 495   471   117   82  1,165    465   435  91   61  1,052 

September  483   585   106   93  1,267    496   413  95   62  1,066 

October     ....  484   563   118   68  1,233    472   420  121    70  1,083 

November'  517   657   164   111   1,449    530   511  149   72  1,262 

December  554   629   159   119  1,461    455   542  174   47  1,218 

Total  5^  6^  1,389  1,042  14,340   5,523  5,458  1,277   774  13,032 


86  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

APPENDIX   E 

STATISTICS  RELATING  TO   ARRESTS  AND  CONVIC- 

TIONS  IN  CHICAGO,  NEW  YORK  AND 

LONDON  COMPARED 


The  extent  of  crime  or  treatment  of  crime  in  different  countries  is  not 
subject  to  exact  comparisons.  The  laws  defining  crimes  are  different,  and 
the  procedure  varies  from  one  country  to  another.  Nevertheless  such  com- 
parisons, if  made  with  the  understanding  that  they  are  subject  to  reserva- 
tions, are  interesting.  The  following  table  shows  the  number  of  arrests  per 
1,000  of  the  population  in  Chicago  compared  with  statistics  from  New  York 
and  London.  No  attempt  is  made  to  use  statistics  for  Paris  or  Berlin,  the 
other  cities  with  which  Chicago  challenges  comparison,  because  the  criminal 
code  and  system  of  courts  in  France  and  Germany  is  so  unlike  our  own.  The 
London  statistics  are  for  "persons  proceeded  against." 

ARRESTS    OR    ARRAIGNMENTS    PER    1,000    POPULATION: 
CHICAGO,  NEW  YORK,  LONDON. 

Convictions 

Mis-  Per  1,000       Per  Cent 

Felonies     demeanors     Total  Arrests        Population     of  Arrests 

Chicago,  1913  4.78  42.05  46.83  21.83  46.6 

New  York,  1913*....  3.71  19.32  23.03  15.76  68.5 

London,  1912t 2.18  15.91  18.09  22.49  87.2$ 

*Comparison  with  New  York  is  hardly  legitimate  because  of  the  ex- 
tensive use  of  the  summons  in  New  York  in  the  last  few  years. 

The  increasing  use  of  the  summons  since  1910  in  New  York  has  resulted 
in  a  decrease  in  arrests  and  an  increase  in  the  percentage  of  convictions.  In 
1913  there  were  119,736  arrests  excluding  juvenile  cases,  but  there  were  52,294 
summons  cases.  There  were  81,952  convictions  and  45,609  convictions  on 
summonses.  It  does  not  seem  fair  to  add  the  summons  cases  in  New  York 
since  they  are  not  included  in  the  Chicago  figures,  but  the  increasing  use  of 
the  summons  in  New  York  makes  the  comparison  less  accurate.  If  the  sum- 
mons cases  were  added  in,  the  result  would  be  33.09  arrests  per  1,000  and  24.54 
convictions  per  1,000.  See  Annual  Report  of  the  Police  Department,  City  of 
New  York,  1913,  p.  16. 

fStatistics  for  London  compiled  from  Judicial  Statistics,  England  and 
Wales,  1912,  Part  I,   Criminal  Statistics,  p.  89  (Cd.  7282). 

$The  percentage  was  necessarily  computed  on  the  total  number  proceeded 
against  which  includes  55,879  summonsed  in  addition  to  131,167  arrested. 

This  table  shows  that  Chicago  has  a  high  "crime  rate,"  if  the  arrests  per 
1,000  of  the  population  for  felonies  be  taken  as  indicating  crime;  that  is,  Chi- 
cago has  4.78  arrests  on  felony  charges  per  1,000  population  in  comparison  with 
3.71  per  1,000  population  in  New  York  and  2.18  per  1,000  population  in  London. 
The  total  number  of  arrests  per  1,000  population  in  Chicago  is  also  high  in  com- 
parison with  these  other  cities:  46.83  per  1,000  population  in  Chicago  compared 
with  23.03  in  New  York  and  18.09  in  London.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  crime 
rate  were  to  be  determined  not  by  arrests,  but  by  convictions  for  crime,  the  re- 
sults are  quite  dififerent:  21.83  per  1.000  of  the  population  in  Chicago,  com- 
pared with  15.76  in  New  York  and  22.49  in  London.  That  is,  the  per  cent  of 
needless  arrests  seems  to  be  very  high  in  Chicago.  The  figures  indicate  that 
we  have  46.6  per  cent  of  convictions,  compared,  for  example,  with  87.2  per 
cent  in  London.  It  is  possible  to  compare  the  per  cent  of  convictions  for  fel- 
onies in  Chicago  and  the  per  cent  of  convictions  for  indictable  offenses  in  Lon- 
don with  the  following  result: 

LONDON:    INDICTABLE  OFFENSES,  1912. 

Persons  proceeded  against 16,045 

Discharged   2,718  16.9% 

Discharged    2,326) 

Acquitted    • 392) 

Held  or  convicted   13,195  82.2% 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO  87 

Convicted    4,693) 

Committed  for  trial  4,454) 

Order  made  without  conviction 4,048) 

Otherwise  disposed  of 132  .9% 

CHICAGO:    FELONIES,   1912. 
Total  preliminary  hearings    7,362 

Discharged  without  trial  5,959  81.0% 

Discharged  by  Municipal  Court 4,749) 

No  bills,  Grand  Jury 783) 

Nolle  pros,  or  stricken  off 427) 

Held  for  trial  1,403  19.0% 

These  figures  are  of  course  not  comparable  in  any  exact  sense.  The 
offenses  classified  as  "felonies"  in  Illinois  are,  however,  very  much  like  the 
"indictable  offenses"  in  England.  The  English  statistics  include  under  in- 
dictable offenses  in  round  numbers  about  500  cases  of  "attempted  suicide," 
about  200  cases  of  habitual  drunkenness,  about  400  "offenses  in  bankruptcy," 
about  200  cases  of  coining  or  possession  of  counterfeit  money  that  would  not 
be  included  here.  On  the  other  hand  our  police  statistics  include,  in  round 
numbers,  1,500  cases  of  "contributing  to  delinquency,"  which  would  not  be 
included  in  the  English  classification.  The  great  difference  between  the  80 
per  cent  held  in  London  and  the  19  per  cent  held  in  Chicago  is  due  in  part 
to  the  fact  that  arrests  cannot  be  made  there  without  legal  evidence  of  guilt. 
This  would,  of  course,  prevent  the  great  waste  involved  in  the  needless 
arrests  made  here. 

A  comparison  of  the  police  force  in  the  several  cities  can  be  made  statist- 
ically as  to  the  number  of  officers  per  1,000  of  the  population  and  the  number 
per  square  mile,  as  follows: 

NUMBER  OF  POLICE  IN  COMPARISON  WITH  POPULATION 

AND  AREA. 

^London,        New  York,        Chicago, 
1911  1913  1913 

Number  of  police   19,156  10,266  4,430 

Population  of  the  city 7,251,358  5,198,888  2,344,018 

Area  of  citv  in  square  miles 692.9  268.8*  184.7* 

Police  per  10,000  population 26.42  19.75  18.90 

Police  per  square  naile 27.65  35.79  23.98 

Per  capita  expenditure  for  police $2.21  $2.97t  $2.92t 

*This  is  the  land  area  as  given  in  the  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census 
Report  on  Financial  Statistics  of  Cities,  1912,  p.  137. 

fStatistics  of  per  capita  expenditures  for  New  York  and  for  Chicago  are 
from  the  same  report,  p.  214.  It  is  of  interest  to  note  that  similar  per  capital 
expenditure  for  other  cities  having  a  population  of  500,000  and  over  is  as 
follows:  Philadelphia,  $2.69;  St.  Louis,  $2.84;  Boston,  $3.19;  Cleveland,  $1.50; 
Baltimore,  $2.21;  Pittsburgh,  $2.07;  Detroit,  $2.01.  Some  question  may  be 
raised  as  to  the  comparability  of  these  per  capita  statistics,  but  the  census 
does  not  discuss  this  point. 

^Statistics  for  London  from  London  Statistics,  1911-12,  issued  by  the 
London  County  Council. 

This  table  shows  that  while  Chicago  has  a  smaller  police  force  than  New 
York  or  London,  making  the  comparison  both  in  relation  to  the  population 
and  area  of  the  different  cities,  the  numbers  are  not  enough  smaller  to  explain 
any  very  great  difference  in  police  methods.  New  York  has  only  one  more 
officer  for  every  10,000  of  the  population  than  Chicago,  London  has  seven 
and  one-half  more.  London  has  per  square  mile,  however,  about  three  and 
one-half  more  than  Chicago  and  New  York  has  about  eleven  and  one-half 
more  than  Chicago.  It  is,  of  course,  the  population  comparison  that  is  im- 
portant, since  crime  has  a  very  close  relation  to  numbers  of  population  and  a 
very  remote  relation  to  area  of  the  city.  The  most  important  question  obvi- 
ously is  that  of  method  of  organization  of  the  force,  and  on  this  point  sta- 
tistics do  not  throw  any  light.* 

*In  discussing  the  inefficiency  of  the  Chicago  police  organization,  the 
Final  Report  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  on  Police  Investigation  con- 
tains the  following  statement:  "In  its  preliminary  report  the  Commission, 
in  commenting  upon  the  large  number  of  patrolmen  assigned  to  special  duty, 


88  REPORT  OF  CRIME  COMMITTEE 

A  comparison  of  the  number  of  specific  offenses  of  such  crimes  as  murder, 
burglary,  and  robbery,  committed  in  different  cities  and  in  different  countries, 
cannot  be  made  with  any  satisfactory  degree  of  accuracy.  It  is  not  fair,  for 
exarnple,  to  compare  arrests,  for  one  city  may  be  very  lax  about  apprehending 
criminals,  another  very  thorough  and  still  another  very  active  in  making 
arrests,  but  very  inefficient  in  arresting  the  right  persons.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  not  fair  to  compare  convictions,  since  a  small  number  of  convictions 
may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  police  have  been  inefficient  in  one  city  or  the 
courts  inefficient  in  another.  However,  such  comparative  figures  as  are 
available  have  been  brought  together  below: 

STATISTICS  RELATING   TO   THE   NUMBER   OF   CASES   OF   MURDER, 

ROBBERY  AND  BURGLARY,  COMPARED  IN  CHICAGO, 

NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON. 

Cases 
Murder  and  Manslaughter —  Disposed  of 

Chicago,  1913  149 

Chicago,  1912  127 

*New  York,   1913 131 

New  York,   1912 -. . .    174 

London,  1912  87 

Robbery  and  Assault  to  Rob — 

Chicago,  1913  1,178 

Chicago,  1912 1,015 

New  York,  1913 928 

New  York,   1912 637 

London,  1912 45 

Burglary — 

Chicago,  1913  1,320 

Chicago,  1912  1,151 

New  York,  1913 1,755 

New  York,   1912 1,463 

London,  1912   3,270 

*The  New  York  classification  is  "homicide." 

With  regard  to  the  number  of  burglaries  it  should  be  explained  that  the 
Chicago  figures  are  for  three  felonies,  "burglary,"  "accessory  to,"  and  "assault 
to  commit."  The  New  York  classification  includes  "the  commission  of  burg- 
lary in  any  of  its  degrees."  For  London,  the  various  forms  of  burglary  were 
grouped  together;  they  include  "burglary,"  "house-breaking,"  breaking  into 
shops,  etc.,"  "attempts  to  break,"  "entering  with  intent/'  "possessing  tools." 

stated  that  out  of  3,800  patrolmen  on  duty,  about  500  are  ordinarily  carried  in 
citizen's  dress,  350  on  wagons  and  ambulances,  300  on  street  crossings,  rail- 
crossings  and  bridges,  and  about  1,200  on  'special  duty;'"  and  "The  Com- 
mission further  stated  that  the  assignment  of  patrolmen  to  duties  that  could 
be  performed  more  efficiently  and  at  a  lower  salary  by  other  types  of  em- 
ployes, is  an  injustice  to  the  taxpayers,  and  a  financial  injury  to  the  city" 
(pp.  42-43).  A  further  criticism  with  regard  to  the  "secret  service"  is  as 
follows:  "The  number  of  men  assigned  to  this  duty  is  out  of  all  proportion 
to  the  work  accomplished,  and  a  critical  analysis  of  the  work  done  by  plain 
clothes  men  at  stations  should  be  made  with  a  view  of  returning  to  patrol 
duty  as  many  men  as  possible.  The  character  of  the  work  to  which  the 
plain  clothes  men  are  assigned  is,  to  a  large  extent,  such  as  could  better  be 
performed  by  a  man  in  uniform.  The  presence  of  a  man  in  uniform  is  a  most 
corrective  aid  against  crime,  vice  and  disorder,  and  the  all-important  function 
of  a  police  department  is  the  prevention  of  crime  and  disorder  and  not  to 
make  a  record  for  arrests.  The  detection  of  criminals  is  of  minor  importance 
if  crime  is  prevented  by  the  presence  of  an  ample  uniformed  police." 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO 


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88d  REPORT  OF  CRIME  COMMITTEE 


APPENDIX    G. 

Detailed   Lists   of   Offenses,    Preliminary   Hearings,    Criminal    (Misdemeanor) 

Cases  and   Quasi-Criminal   Cases    (Violations  of   Ordinances). 

CASES    DISPOSED    OF    IN    THE    MUNICIPAL    COURT    OF  CFIICAGO, 

1908  TO  1913. 

A.— FELONY  AND  OTHER  CASES  ON  PRELIMINARY  HEARING. 

Offense.                                   1913.     1912.  1911.     1910.  1909.  1908. 

Abduction  21         36  38         29  19  20 

Abortion    . . .  .• 24         21  17         15  21  IS 

Arson  138       108  68         44  14  40 

Assault  with  intent  to  kill 344       319  376       227  271  377 

Bigamy Z2         37  25         34  31  25 

Bribery    17           6  13           5  10  17 

Burglary  1,320     1,151  1,339     1,128  1,334  1,614 

Confidence  game    1,035       924  1,149       753  804  645 

Conspiracy    72         30  59         24  66  48 

Crime  against  nature   68         49  55          24  31  IZ 

Enticing  female  into  house  of  prostitution.          5            8  2           3  1  .... 

Permitting  female  into  house  of  prostitution 14 

Embezzlement  240        193  294       166  127  179 

Forgery    89       100  106         66  103  105 

Gaming   house    2  .... 

Horse  stealing    40         17  26         30  Zo  38 

Incest 25         13  14         11  9  8 

Larceny    2,150    2,256  3,718    3,077  1,716  2,213 

Murder 103         87  116        137  106  43 

Manslaughter    46         40  25         22  16  34 

Obtaining  money  under  false  pretenses....        68         67  168           1  50  270 

Perjury 25         29  32           8  20  32 

Rape    303       347  261       267  278  265 

Robbery    1,178     1,015  968       839  882  657 

Receiving  stolen  property    307        194  292       145  191  258 

Other   felonies    451        315  365       563  325  731 

Total    8,102    7,362  9,526    7,618  6,460  7,721 


STATISTICS  OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO 


88e 


B.— CRIMINAL    (MISDEMEANOR)  CASES. 

Offense.                                   1913.     1912.  1911.  1910.  1909.  1908. 

Abandonment    1,472     1,612  1,769  1,548  1,432  1,063 

Adulteration  of  foods 54         96  67  44  22  98 

Adultery  and  fornication  • 512       344  402  191  247  252 

Assault  and  battery   999     1,471  819  IZI  769  1,270 

Assault  with  deadly  weapon 1,458     1,327  1,395  1,130  896  555 

Automobiles 7,231     4,132  2,996  1,049  145  294 

Child  labor   366       199  160  114  202  .... 

Children,  delinquent  and  dependent 1,610     1,119  IZZ  634  361  470 

Cruelty  to  animals   4      ....  2  2  4  44 

Cocaine 11  3  2      9 

Dental 2  2  ....  13 

Employment  of  females   353       248  173  

Embezzlement 34  90  34 

False  pretenses  374       358  271  357  416  321 

Fish  and  game  5           2  2  5  3  7 

Gambling    7  13  86 

Kidnapping    10      ....  1  

Larceny     2,938    2,824  914  1,545  3,316  3,233 

Lotteries 4  3  2  1  25 

Malicious  mischief    162       156  166  118  147  134 

Obscene  books    6  3  3  5  18 

Pandering 54         72  62  92  

Pharmacy 14           3  3 

Receiving  stolen  property    202       167  131  113  264  199 

Seduction  12         11  12  4  10  3 

Vagrancy    214       165  151  176  71  166 

Other  misdemeanors    1,476     1,561  1,533  1,916  1,716  2,170 

Total    19,520  15,888  11,770  9,825  10,130  10,467 


C— QUASI-CRIMINAL  CASES. 

(Violations  of  City  Ordinances  and  Bastardy  Cases.) 

Offense.                                   1913.  1912.  1911.  1910.  1909.  1908. 

Bastardy  cases  419  590  552  540  488  .... 

Buildings,   unsafe    120  360  305  107  57  104 

Carrying  concealed  weapons  1,181  1,183  1,111  831  758  952 

Coal,  short  weight    34  19  19  17  19  19 

Cream,  under  grade  SO  15  18  55  94  194 

Disorderly  conduct  53,503  47,824  52,100  53,228  44,769  42,127 

False  weights  and  measures 190  113  59  94  162  279 

Fire  escapes    6  11  17  ....  5  68 

Gambling  ..... ._ 4,966  2,323  314  2,12  1,364  857 

Immoral   exhibitions    3  6  27  11  14  26 

Indecent  exposure  56  IZ  81  136  106  138 

Inmates  and  keepers  of  gambling  houses...      211  2,924  1,774  1,040  510  952 

Keeping  slot  machine    6  28  86  2  56  40 

Keeping  house  of  ill-fame 3,345  1,863  205  134  182  70 

Keeping  disorderly  house  1,608  1,075  598  934  697  447 

Markets,  unclean  premises  9  6  21  2  27  243 

Milk,    adulterated    1  ....  18  Z2  6  191 

Milk,  under  grade 202  246  55  218  373  860 

Milk  dealers,  unclean  premises 103  21  1  39  106  78 

Night  walkers    1,846  1,569  1.633  1,619  1,665  1,664 

Smoke  nuisance   248  381  663  816  320  121 

Vagabonds     662  703  842  

Violating  park  ordinances   1,184  2,146  2,545  1,665  1,400  .... 

Water  closets,  unclean    26  13  6  28  50  20 

Violating  other  city  ordinances 23,732  19,627  8,384  8,559  8,553  7,292 

Total   93,711  83,119  71,434  70,479  61,781  56,742 


88f 


REPORT  OF  CRIME  COMMITTEE 


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Underlying  Causes 

and 
Practical  Methods 

for 
Preventing  Crime 

by 

PROFESSOR    ROBERT    H.    GAULT 

NORTHWESTERN  UNIVERSITY 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  91 

GENERAL  INTRODUCTION 


The  causal  factors  that  enter  into  every  form  of  human  behavior,  v^^hether 
criminal  or  otherwise  fall  into  two  groups:  psycho-physical  and  environ- 
mental. Thus  it  is,  in  part,  one's  mental  or  physical  make-up,  or  both  mental 
and  physical  make-up  combined,  that  determine  how  one  will  behave.  If 
one's  nervous  system  is  badly  out  of  gear  so  that  nerve  impulses,  in  one  part 
of  the  system  or  another,  become  sidetracked  or  retarded  or  accelerated,  the 
parts  of  the  system  must  fail  to  work  together  harmoniously  at  least,  just  as 
an  organized  body  of  men  fail  when  there  is  lacking  a  co-ordinated  system 
by  which  the  purposes  of  the  organization  may  be  carried  into  effect.  In 
order,  therefore,  that  one  may  make  intelligent  forecast  respecting  the  be- 
havior of  a  given  individual  who  is  about  to  go  forth  into  the  midst  of  sur- 
roundings to  which  he  has  not  until  now  been  accustomed,  or  m  which  he  has 
hitherto  failed  to  fit  himself  with  approximate  nicety,  it  is  necessary  for  one  to 
know,  in  the  first  place — first  only  for  convenience  of  statement — whether  that 
individual  has  a  nervous  system  so  substantial  and  so  nice  in  its  adjust- 
ments that  it  can  withstand  strains  and  meet  emergencies.  It  is  information 
of  the  same  nature  that  one  seeks  when  one  has  in  contemplation  the  pur- 
chase of  a  new  typewriter.  If  any  comment  upon  the  parallelism  implied  here 
is  required,  we  have  only  to  say  what  is  perfectly  patent  to  a  student  of  be- 
havior: that  man  is  a  machine  to  a  greater  degree  than  he  realizes.  One 
needs  to  know  whether  this  mechanical  system  is  infected  with  destructive 
poisons;  whether  the  muscular  system  is  such  as  to  favor  adjustment  to  the 
conditions  of  life,  and  whether  the  activities  of  alimentation  are  capable  of 
supplying  the  organism  with  energy  producing  food.  Where  all  other  factors 
in  determining  behavior  and  successful  adjustment  to  the  conditions  of  social 
life  are  equal,  the  conditons  implied  in  the  above  questions  may  be  wholly 
decisive. 

In  the  second  place — second,  again,  only  for  convenience  of  statement — 
we  want  to  know  whether  the  -individual  whose  future  behavior  we  would 
foresee  is  mentally  equal  to  meeting  the  difficulties  that  are  incident  to  living 
in  the  sphere  to  which  he  belongs.  Many,  though  not  all  forms  of  mental 
alienation,  and  incapacity,  disqualify  him  for  facing  those  difficulties.  Self- 
control  is  very  largely  a  matter  of  emotional  control;  of  attention;  of  per- 
sistence; of  ideals  and  of  practical  judgment.  Deficiencies  in  one  or  another 
of  these  respects,  particularly  in  emotional  control,  control  of  attention,  and 
in  persistence,  usually  go  hand  in  hand  with  profound  defects  in  the  nervous 
organization. 

Studies  in  the  psycho-physical  nature  of  the  individual  delinquent,  there- 
fore, are  the  cornerstone  of  investigations  in  the  field  of  criminology.  In  the 
work  upon  which  we  are  making  report  in  the  following  pages  we  have  given 
considerable  attention  to  the  phycho-physical  problem.  The  first  division  is 
wholly  devoted  to  this  problem,  and  to  an  estimate  of  the  probable  adapt- 
ability of  certain  groups  of  women  and  men  to  a  normal  social  environment, 
afflicted  as  they  are  with  profound  nervous  disorders,  destructive  infections, 
phychoses  and  feeble-mindedness. 

In  each  of  the  remaining  sections  of  the  report  the  psycho-physical  factor 
receives  more  or  less  attention.  It  is  particularly  emphasized  in  the  first 
three  sections  of  the  third  division,  where  we  set  forth  the  results  of  our 
examinations  of  63  boys  in  the  John  Worthy  School;  our  follow-up  of  cer- 
tain juvenile  cases  whose  phycho-physical  conditions  were  determined  in  the 
Juvenile  Phychopathic  Institute  in  the  years  1910,  1911  and  1912,  and  our 
study  of  the  psycho-physical  condition  and  the  behavior  of  Cook  County  boys 
who  are  now  in  the   State   Reformatory  at   St.   Charles,   Illinois. 

At  the  outset  in  this  introduction  I  gave  the  environmental  factor  a  place 
as  a  cause  of  every  form  of  behavior.  From  this  the  psycho-physical  cause 
is  never  isolated.  Behavior,  whether  of  a  saint  or  a  sinner,  of  an  imbecile  or 
a  savant,  is  invariably  modified  by  the  conditions  that  surround  the  actor,  if 
it  is  not  wholly  occasioned  by  external  stimulation.  What  we  shall  do,  and  for 
that  matter  what  we  shall  become,  is  the  resultant  of  two  forces:  our  disposi- 
tion or  our  psycho-physical  nature  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  hand  the 
stimulations  that  we  receive  from  our  friends  and  our  enemies,  our  books 
and  playthings,  the  houses  in  which  we  live,  the  streets  in  which  we  walk, 


92  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

the  work  of  our  hands,  etc.,  etc.     Were  it  not  so  we  should  dispense  with  our 
schools. 

In  the  faith  that  the  environmental  factor  does  contribute  to  behavior  or 
actually  determine  its  character;  that  the  behavior  of  the  delinquent  and  the 
"upright  alike  is  a  reaction  of  an  individual  with  given  disposition  and  capaci- 
ties, stable  or  unstable,  normal  or  distorted  as  they  may  be,  to  the  stimulations 
afforded  by  the  surroundings  in  the  midst  of  which  he  lives;  in  this  faith  we 
set  about  to  arrange  the  surroundings  or  the  environment  of  our  wards  to  the 
best  of  our  ability — to  control  the  stimulations,  in  other  words,  so  as  to  get 
the  kind  of  behavior  that  we  approve,  and  in  getting  that  behavior,  ultimately 
to  develop  the  dispositions  in  those  with  whom  we  deal  that  will  guarantee  ap- 
proved behavior  in  future.  This  is  what  we  are  doing  when  we  improve  our 
school  buildings,  devise  school  currimula,  assign  tasks,  etc.,  to  our  children; 
we  are  arranging  the  external  or  environmental  conditions  of  behavior  so  as 
to  get  certain  desired  responses,  e.  g.,  familiarity  with  numbers  and  facility 
in  handling  them,  habitual  co-operation  with  others,  etc.,  etc.  We  are  doing 
all  this  in  our  schools,  to  repeat,  in  the  expectation  that  we  may  develop 
habits  or  dispositions  that  will  guarantee  future  behavior.  Happy  are  we  if 
our  educational  experts  can  tell  us  in  particular  instances  what  are  the  dispo- 
sitions and  capacities  upon  which  we  may  begin  our  building. 

It  is  precisely  the  same  problem  in  which  the  student  of  criminology  is 
involved.  The  question  is  not  only  as  to  the  present  psycho-physical  nature  of 
the  delinquent.  This,  it  is  true,  may  be  a  burden  transmitted  to  him  from  a 
tainted  ancestry.  If  not  so  the  question  is  as  to  the  environmental  stimula- 
tions that  have  played  their  part  in  occasioning  the  behavior  of  the  delinquent 
and  ultimately,  it  may  be,  the  delinquent  disposition. 

Furthermore,  when  we  are  confronted  by  thousands  of  criminals  of  all 
ages  the  very  critical  question  arises  as  to  how  we  can  so  arrange  the  external 
conditions  into  which  we  place  these  people  as  to  secure  the  utmost  human 
salvage  possible  through  a  modification  of  their  dispositions  and  their  be- 
havior consequently.  This  is  a  question  of  social  protection  as  well  as  of 
reformation,  and  it  is  not  essentially  altered  in  the  face  of  that  host  of  delin- 
quents who  are  undoubtedly  unredeemable. 

The  above  considerations  are  reflected  in  the  following  report  in  the 
second  division  entitled,  Adult  Probation  and  later  in  the  third  division  in  the 
section  on  the  employment  of  juvenile  delinquents,  in  which  we  are  inter- 
ested in  the  development  of  an  educational  system  and  a  plan  for  vocational 
guidance  that  will  minimize  the  chances  of  the  youth's  entering  upon  a  career 
of  truancy,  juvenile  delinquency  and  crime.  In  that  section,  too,  our  thought 
is  directed  toward  surrounding  the  youthful  delinquent  with  such  an  environ- 
ment of  occupations  and  practical  schools  as  will  give  material  assistance  in 
the  development  of  dispositions  toward  the  behavior  that  society  approves. 

To  some  it  will  appear  that  in  what  follows  we  are  perniciously  confusing 
juvenile  delinquency  which  is  not  crime  with  adult  delinquency  which  is 
crime.  Such  a  criticism  is  likely  to  arise  from  those  who  are  troubled,  even 
though  unwittingly,  with  the  ancient  and  speculative  problem  of  individual 
responsibility.  It  is  only  as  educators  in  the  broad  sense  of  the  word  that 
we  are  justified  in  assuming  an  attitude  toward  youths  that  is  different  from 
that  assumed  towards  adults.  We  have  no  more  necessarily  to  do  with  re- 
sponsibility here  than  has  the  teacher  in  the  school  room.  In  dealing  with 
pupils  in  school  or  children  at  home  we  administer  praise  or  blame  or  punish- 
ment, corporal  or  otherwise,  such  as  experience  suggests  may  produce  desir- 
able reactions,  and  desirable  dispositions  finally,  on  the  part  of  individuals 
whose  psycho-physical  natures  are  more  or  less  well  known  to  begin  with. 
Such  is  (or  will  be)  our  attitude  toward  delinquents,  old  or  young.  This 
justifies  the   discussion  of  juvenile   delinquency  in   our  report. 

Furthermore  the  development  of  a  full  blown  criminal  is  like  the  develop- 
ment of  a  professional  man.  He  grows  nut  of  the  youth.  If  it  is  our  design 
to  develop  a  strong  lawyer  we  control  the  environment  of  a  youth  who  has 
been  selected  for  the  purpose.  If  we  would  prevent  the  development  of  other 
professional  men  and  women  called  criminals  we  will  look  again  to  the  control 
of  the  surroundings  of  our  plastic  youths — and  we  cannot  know  too  much 
about  their  psycho-ohysical  nature.  The  proper  study  of  criminology  is  our 
youth  in  their  reactions  to  their  environment  throughout  a  period  of  develop- 
ment.    In  this  sense  it  is  precisely  analogous  to  our  study  of  the  lawyer  or 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  93 

any  other  professional  or  business  man.  Every  complex  is  best  studied  from 
its  beginnings  and  throughout  its  developmental  period. 

The  report  does  not  refer  specifically  to  the  problem  of  alcoholism  in 
relation  to  crime.  No  search  for  such  a  relationship  was  made.  From  the 
work  that  we  have  done,  however,  one  or  the  other  of  two  inferences  may 
be  drawn:  that  habitual  indulgence  in  alcohol  will  load  an  organism  with 
poisons,  disorganize  the  system,  produce  mental  weakness,  and  so  render  one 
unreliable  in  one's  responses  to  environmental  stimuli;  or  that  such  mental 
weakness  and  lack  of  resistance  as  are  directly  the  cause  of  crime  express 
themselves  also  in  alcoholic  indulgence.  For  that  matter  both  these  inferences 
may  be  drawn.  Alcoholism  undoubtedly  is  both  efifect  and  cause  of  some  weak- 
nesses that  are  directly  the  cause  of  crime.  Studies  of  the  problem  that  show 
the  relatively  high  degree  of  alcoholism  among  criminals  really  go  no  further 
than  is  indicated  here,  excepting  to  show  that  alcohol,  even  when  it  is  not 
taken  in  such  quantity  or  so  persistently  as  to  produce  degeneration,  causes 
crime  by  breaking  down  normal  inhibitions  and  arousing  passion  consequently. 
The  number  of  annual  convictions  in  Germany  could  be  reduced  one-fifth  by 
killing  the  abuse  of  alcohol.  (Aschaffenburg,  Crime  and  its  Repression,  p. 
228.) 

On  the  basis  of  all  the  information  that  is  available  at  present  relating  to 
the  causal  relation  of  crime  and  venereal  or  other  infections  we  can  make  no 
statement  different  from  that  above  concerning  alcoholism.  These  infections 
are  both  effect  and  cause  of  some  of  the  weaknesses  that  are  directly  re- 
sponsible for  criminal  behavior. 

The  economic  question  invites  investigation  also.  One  is  tempted  often 
to  Relieve  that  if  the  economic  strain  could  be  lightened  crime  would  be 
sensibly  diminished.  No  doubt  there  are  hundreds  of  cases  in  which  an 
unusually  adverse  economic  situation  has  stimulated  men  and  women  and 
children  to  the  performance  of  acts  of  delinquency.  Breckenridge  and  Abbott 
in  "The  Delinquent  Child  and  the  Home"  showed  a  striking  parallelism  be- 
tween poverty  and  juvenile  delinquency.  If  both  father  and  mother  must 
v/ork  away  from  home  all  day  in  order  to  buy  food,  the  opportunities  for 
truancy  among  the  children,  and  consequently  for  the  development  of  irre- 
sponsible and  reckless  dispositions,  multiply. 

It  is  a  fair  question  whether  the  relief  from  economic  strain,  such  as  is 
effected  by  the  system  of  Mother's  Pensions,  will  correct  juvenile  delinquency 
in  the  homes  that  profit  by  the  pension.  An  unequivocal  answer  to  this  ques- 
tion would  bear  upon  the  causation  of  delinquency  and  consequently  of  crime. 
Whatever  correction  of  this  sort  may  be  found,  of  course,  could  not  be  attrib- 
uted without  question  to  economic  relief.  It  might  be  due  as  well  to  the 
friendly  supervision  of  the  officer  which  is  always  available  with  the  relief. 

We  made  a  preliminary  attempt  at  this  problem.  For  our  purpose  we 
selected  100  families  from  the  pension  list,  families  that  were  especially  low  on 
the  economic  scale,  and  compared  them  with  an  equal  group  from  the  non- 
pensioned  County  Agent's  list  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  prevalence  of 
delinquency.  The  County  Agent's  families  selected  were  technically  eligible 
to  the  pension.  But  we  could  not  find  in  the  pension  list  a  sufficient  number 
of  families  in  which  delinquency  had  appeared  to  make  a  comparison  fruitful. 
We  were  unable  to  follow  up  the  families  from  the  County  Agent's  records, 
and  in  a  few  cases  the  delinquents  on  the  pensioned  list  attained  the  age  of 
14  and  automatically  passed  out  from  the  influence  of  the  Pension  Department 
so  soon  after  the  family  was  admitted  to  its  benefit  that,  whatever  the  devel- 
opment of  the  youth,  it  could  hardly  be  laid  to  the  credit  or  to  the  discredit  of 
the  Pension  system.  We  are  not,  therefore,  in  a  position  to  offer  a  report  on 
this  question.  We  believe,  however,  that  the  method  of  investigation  that  we 
have  followed  in  this  preliminary  inquiry  is  one  that  promises  to  supply 
reliable  scientific  data  if  only  a  thousand  or  more  families  can  be  brought 
under  observation  and  kept  under  observation  for  a  prolonged  period. 

This  brings  us  to  a  consideration  of  the  economic  situation  as  a  cause  of 
the  crimes  of  adults.  On  this  point  we  have  made  no  investigation  whatever. 
Our  statistics  of  unemployment,  of  wages  and  the  cost  of  living,  not  to  speak 
of  our  criminal  statistics,  are  in  such  an  undeveloped  state  that  one  is  in  the 
realm  of  opinion  only  when  one  expresses  a  decision  in  the  matter  without 
prolonged  and  exhaustive  investigation  of  our  conditions  here  at  home.  If  we 
are  justified  in  saying,  as  we  have  said  in  the  earlier  part  of  this  introduction, 
that   infections,   etc.,   that    reduce   the   adaptability   of  an   organism   favor   the 


94  REPORT   OF    CRIME    COMMITTEE 

yielding  to  opportunities  and  the  committing  of  crimes,  then  we  are  undoubt- 
edly justified  in  saying  that  lack  of  sufficient  food  will  have  a  similar  effect, 
and  that  consequently  unemploj^ment  or  low  wages  and  high  costs,  making  it 
impossible  to  procure  food  and  other  necessaries  of  life,  are  causes  of  a  cer- 
tain weakness  that  is  itself  directly  a  cause  of  crime.  Similarly  we  could  go 
further,  and  with  good  logic,  to  say  that  even  after  the  very  necessaries  of 
life  are  provided  economic  pressure  may  be  made,  by  our  desire  for  luxuries, 
too  intense  for  us  to  bear,  until  the  breaking  point  is  reached  and  crimes, 
therefore,  committed.  Such  discussion  as  this,  however,  does  not  allay  one's 
scientific  craving.  For  satisfaction  we  turn  to  European  literature  where  we 
find  how  involved  the  question  really  is,  and  even  that  authorities  are  con- 
tradictory. 

We  find  Garofalo,  for  example  (Criminology,  Criminal  Science  Series, 
Boston,  1914,  p.  165)  saying,  "the  economic  condition  of  the  proletariat  .  . 
is  entirely  without  influence  upon  criminality,  as  a  whole;  its  influence  is 
exerted  only  upon  certain  special  forms  which  constitute  the  specific  crimi- 
nality of  the  lower  classes.  .  .  .  Extreme  indigence  ordinarily  results  in 
mendicancy,  sometimes  in  vagabondage;  the  only  crimes  for  which  it  is  clearly 
accountable  are  such  trivial  offenses  as  the  stealing  of  firewood,  articles  of 
food  and  other  articles  of  insignificant  value."  But  economic  stress  does  not 
end  with  those  who  receive  low  wages.  Garofalo  says  further:  "There  is 
nothing  to  show  that  the  disproportion  between  desires  and  the  means  of 
satisfying  them  is  any  greater  in  any  one  class  than  in  another."  (P.  148.) 
Hugo  Herz,  who  discusses  the  economic  status  of  the  people  in  relation  to 
criminality  in  Austria,  says  that  such  atavistic  forms  of  criminality  as  deeds  of 
violence,  theft  and  robbery  are  directly  dependent  on  the  prices  of  food. 
Those  offenses,  however,  ■  that  are  better  adapted  to  modern  conditions,  in 
which  falsehood  and  deceit,  instead  of  violence,  are  employed,  have  left  this 
primitive  dependence  on  the  price  of  food  behind  them,  and  seek  their  oppor- 
tunity in  the  complex  life  of  the  modern  business  world.  (Monatschr.  f. 
Kriminal  Psychol,  II,  292.  See  Aschaffenburg,  Crime  and  Its  Repression, 
Criminal  Science  Series,  1913;  p.  117.)  The  decrease  in  theft  and  the  increase 
in  fraud  and  embezzlement  that  go  along  with  increasing  freedom  from  the 
economic  pressure  in  the  struggle  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  balance  each 
other.  This  suggests  certain  data  that  is  presented  by  Aschaffenburg  relating 
to  Juvenile  Offenders  in  Germany  (ibid.,  p.  149).  Since  1892,  German  youths 
have  been  increasingly  active  in  remunerative  occupations.  But  notwithstand- 
ing their  steadily  improving  economic  condition,  juvenile  offenses  during  the 
period  have  alarmingly  increased;  assault  and  battery  by  123  per  cent;  breach 
of  the  peace  by  128.6  per  cent;  fraud  and  embezzlement  by  40  per  cent;  theft 
by  but  8  per  cent.  Only  the  statistics  relating  to  thieving  by  juveniles  deny 
the  general  increase  of  juvenile  offenses  in  the  face  of  their  improving 
economic  conditions.  It  seems  that  if  youth  are  eriven  the  means  of  "enjoy- 
ing life"  they  lose  their  blameless  reputation.  Their  felt  needs  grow  with 
prosperity  more  rapidly  than  their  inhibitions,  and  the  dancing  hall,  the 
picture  show  and  the  saloon  too  soon  become  habits  of  life.  "More  impor- 
tant," says  Aschaffenburg.  in  speaking  of  the  general  situation  (p.  114)  "than 
absolute  need  is  the  inability  to  adapt  one's  self  to  changed  conditions.  Who- 
ever is  accustomed  to  spend  a  good  deal  on  amusement  cannot  easily  give 
up  doing  so  when  times  are  hard.  The  more  a  man  earns,  the  greater  are  his 
demands,"  etc. 

This  all  seems  to  me  to  throw  us  back  for  reliance  upon  the  training  and 
education  of  the  home,  the  school,  the  church  and  other  educational  agencies. 
These  in  the  long  run  must  control  crime,  bv  means  of  develooing  adaptable, 
self-controllable   individuals  and   equipping  them  wnth   the   work  habit. 

It  follows  from  all  of  this  that  the  imnrovement  of  the  economic  status 
oi-'  the  home  in  which  there  are  growing  children  will  afford  a  better  opoor- 
tunity  than  otherwise  exists  for  these  educational  agencies  to  perform  their 
normal  function,  always  assuming  that  the  heads  of  the  family  are  capable  o"^ 
using  their  advantage  wisely  in  the  interest  of  the  children.  This,  to  revert 
to  the  preceding  subiect,  is  precisely  what  our  svstem  of  mother's  pensions 
seeks  to  guarantee.  With  every  grant  of  a  pension  there  goes  the  certaintv 
of  supervision  by  a  probation  officer  who  attends  to  it  that  a  familv  budget  i'' 
properly  prepared  and  followed,  and  that  the  children  are  made  primarilv 
the  beneficiaries  through  the  increase  of  their  educational  opoortunities.  It 
follows,  too,  that  the  improvement  of  the  economic  status  of  adults  will  favor- 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  95 

ably  affect  their  own  behavior  at  once  only  if  their  native  and  acquired  dispo- 
sitions are  favorable  to  begin  with. 

Our  conclusion  on  this  point  is  that  economic  conditions  may  and  should 
be  made  to  afford  opportunities  for  the  development  of  dispositions  that  can 
withstand  the  strain  of  living;  that  to  improve  the  economic  condition  in 
advance  of  the  disposition — which  includes  the  capacities,  judgment,  motives, 
ideals,  etc. — of  an  individual  is  not  a  measure  for  social  protection;  that  the 
improvement  of  the  economic  condition  of  the  home,  by  any  system,  in  behalf 
of  the  children  is  a  measure  for  social  protection  against  the  development  of 
criminals,  provided  the  system  provides  careful  supervision  of  the  way  in 
which  the  economic  advantage  is  employed. 

Finally,  attention  must  be  drawn  to  means  for  protecting  the  offender 
against  the  unscrupulous  who  pose  as  his  defender,  but  who  in  their  greed 
exploit  the  offender,  make  him  resentful,  deprive  him  of  confidence  in  men, 
take  away  his  courage  and  make  him  in  future  ten  times  the  menace  he  has 
been  before.  On  this  point  we  present  a  section  on  The  Defense  of  Poor 
Persons  Accused  of  Crime  in  Chicago.  We  acknowledge  indebtedness  to 
Harry  K.  Herwitz  for  the  data  and  composition  of  this  portion  of  the  report. 

This  report  on  the  Causes  of  Crime  in  Chicago  covers  at  best  but  a  begin- 
ning of  investigations  in  a  very  few  subjects.  The  field  is  so  large  and  com- 
plex that  a  few  months  is  as  nothing  compared  to  the  time  that  is  required 
for  a  thorough  study  of  a  limited  area.  We  have  attempted  to  make  the 
work,  as  far  as  possible,  a  study  of  individual  cases.  Ths  is  necessarily  a 
slow  and  tedious  procedure. 

We  present  our  results  as  follows: 

FIRST. — Investigations  among  prisoners  confined  in  the  House  of  Cor- 
rection, (a)  Mental  and  physical  examination  of  61  female  prisoners  in  the 
House  of  Correction;  (b)  An  investigation  of  insane  prisoners  in  the  House 
of  Correction. 

SECOND. — A  study  of  adult  probation. 

THIRD. — Some  studies  of  juvenile  delinquents  in  Chicago,  (a)  Mental 
and  physical  examination  of  63  boys  in  the  John  Worthy  School;  (b)  effec- 
tiveness of  Juvenile  Court  procedure  considered  in  relation  to  certain  groups 
of  offenders;  (c)  study  of  Cook  County  boys  now  in  St.  Charles  Reformatory; 
(d)   delinquent  boys  in  employment. 

FOURTH. — Defense  of  poor  persons  accused  of  crime  in  Chicago. 

FIFTH. — General  summary  of  conclusions  and  recommendations  in  above 
investigations. 


96  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

I 

INVESTIGATIONS  AMONG  PRISONERS  CONFINED 
IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION 


Every  considerable  group  of  prisoners  that  has  been  the  subject  of  inves- 
tigation includes  many  who,  by  reason  of  either  mental  or  physical  deficiency 
or  both,  are  unable  to  adjust  themselves  to  the  conditions  of  normal  life,  once 
they  are  released  from  prison.  This  is  the  conclusion  of  students  of  crimi- 
nology in  all  parts  of  the  world  who  have  given  time  to  this  problem.  Wherever 
such  persons  are  found,  therefore,  in  our  prison  population,  we  are  likely  to 
find  a  large  degree  of  recidivism,  provided  they  are  committed  to  prison  for 
a  short  term  on  account  of  the  minor  offenses  of  which  so  many  of  them  are 
guilty,  and  released  again  indiscriminately  at  the  expiration  of  their  term.  If 
this  is  the  case,  it  is  probable  that  our  prisons,  as  far  as  they  affect  certain 
classes  of  prisoners  at  any  rate,  prevent  crime  only  while  these  prisoners  are 
in  confinement.  It  is  appropriate  then  to  inquire  what  is  the  mental  and 
physical  condition  of  certain  classes  in  the  Chicago  House  of  Correction. 

We  report  in  Section  A  on  the  condition  of  61  women  prisoners  who  are 
addicted  to  the  drug  habit  in  one  or  another  form.  Our  means  for  identifi- 
cation of  offenders  in  Chicago  are  so  unsatisfactory  that  it  is  not  possible  to 
say  to  what  extent  these  people  are  recidivists.  Putting  together,  however, 
what  records  are  available  with  the  prisoners'  statements,  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  considerably  more  than  half  of  the  cases  have  been  arrested  heretofore 
and  committed  several  times  here  or  elsewhere. 

The  medical  examination  consisted  in  an  investigation  of  the  condition 
of  the  sense  organs,  vital  organs  and  reflexes  as  indicative  of  the  condition 
of  the  nervous  system.  What  other  examinations  were  made  including  the 
Wasserman  test,  are  indicated  in  the  analysis  below.  The  mental  status  was 
determined  by  the  Binet  test.  The  physical  and  mental  examinations  were 
made  by  Dr.  H.  C.  Stevens  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 


A  MENTAL  AND  PHYSICAL  EXAMINATION  OF  61  FEMALE 
PRISONERS  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION 

The  statistics  of  recidivism  suggest  an  inquiry  into  the  mental  and  physi- 
cal condition  of  adult  prisoners  who  have  been  convicted  more  than  once. 
Such  investigations  conducted  elsewhere  show  that  persons  who  have  been 
convicted  several  times  are,  on  the  whole,  of  such  a  nature  that  they  cannot 
be  expected  to  respond  normally  to  their  environment.  Persons  who  have 
been  convicted  more  than  three  times  in  Prussia,  e.  g.,  are  regarded  as  not 
capable  of  being  rehabilitated.  Dr.  Paul  Bower's  study  of  the  diagnosis  of 
100  recidivists  in  the  Michigan  City,  Indiana,  prison,  who  had  been  com- 
mitted four  or  more  times,  reveals  a  condition  that  leaves  no  hope  for  im- 
provement. 

If  these  statements  truly  represent  the  case  it  is  probable  that  our  prisons 
prevent  crime — in  the  case  of  many  people — only  while  the  prisoners  are  con- 
fined. This  thought,  or  question  rather,  prompts  the  investigation  that  is 
reported  below. 

The  general  outcome  of  this  study,  which  is  only  as  yet  a  preliminary 
investigation,  shows: 

1.  That  the  mentality  of  the  female  prisoners  is  of  the  moron  class. 

2.  That  there  are  evidences  of  serious  disturbances  of  the  nervous  sys- 
tem in  at  least  50  per  cent  of  the  cases.  The  disturbance  of  the  nervous 
system  are  such  that  prolonged  treatment  will  be  necessary  to  cure  them. 

The  detailed  report  which  follows  includes  the  results  of  the  investiga- 
tion of: 

1.  Mental  age  of  126  female  prisoners,  as  determined  by  the  Binet  test. 

2.  Neurological  examination  of  61   female  prisoners. 

3.  The  Wassermann  test  on  the  blood  serum  of  11,  and  the  Wassermann 
test  on  the  spinal  fluid  of  9  female  prisoners. 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  97 

4.  Venereal  infection  in  45  female  prisoners. 

5.  Gyneological  examination  of  17  female  prisoners. 

BINET  TEST. 
The  mental  age  of  126  female  prisoners  was  determined  by  means  of  the 
Binet  Test.  The  co-operation  of  the  prisoners  with  the  examiner  was  good. 
In  only  two  instances  was  there  any  refusal  on  the  part  of  the  prisoner  to 
answer  the  question.  These  two  instances  are  not  inr.lnded  in  the  report. 
There  is  no  pretense  that  the  result  of  this  test  is  the  last  word  relating  to 
the  psychological  status  of  these  adult  women.  It  is  entirely  probable,  how- 
ever, that  our  data  on  this  point  is  not  far  from  correct.  The  results  of  this 
test  are  shown  in  the  following  summary: 

SUMMARY. 

Number  ranking  between    Sand    6  years 1 

Number  ranking  between    6  and    7  years 1 

Number  ranking  between    7  and    8  years 5 

Number  ranking  between    Sand    9  years 8 

Num'ber  ranking  between     9  and  10  years 32 

Number  ranking  between  10  and  1 1  years 29 

Number  ranking  between  11  and  12  years 36 

Number  ranking  between  12  and   13  years 12 

Number  ranking  between  13  and  14  years 2 

Refused  to  answer 2 

Total   138 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  summary  that  86  per  cent  of  these  women  fall 
between  9  and  13  years  of  mental  age.  Probably  some  correction  in  favor  of 
the  women  should  be  made  on  account  of  illiteracy,  due  to  the  lack  of  oppor- 
tunity. There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  result  of  the  test  is  in 
general  a  fair  indication  of  the  mentality  of  the  prisoners. 

NERVOUS  SYSTEM. 
The  condition  of  the  nervous  system  was  evidenced  by  changes  in  the 
reflexes,  sensation  and  muscular  power.  Sixty-one  women  were  examined 
with  reference  to  these  three  points.  These  61  cases  have  been  grouped 
according  to  offenses  for  which  the  prisoner  was  committed.  The  classifica- 
tion is  as  follows: 

Drug  Addiction    13 

Alcoholism 20 

Disorderly   Conduct,   Vagrancy  and   Soliciting....  25 
Larceny  2 

Total 61 

The  incidence  of  nervous  systems  is  shown  in  per  cent  in  the  following 
table: 

Symptoms. 
Ofifense.  .  Nervous 

Offense.  Per  Cent. 

Drug    Addiction    54 

Alcoholism  70 

Disorderly   Conduct,   Vagrancy   and   Soliciting....    50 

Although  the  number  of  cases  is  not  sufficient  to  justify  general  conclu- 
sions, it  is  significant  that  SO  per  cent  of  these  women  show  nervous  symptoms 
of  a  marked  sort. 

WASSERMANN  TEST. 

The  blood  serum  was  taken  for  examination  for  the  Wassermann  test  in 
11  cases.  Nine  of  the  11,  or  82  per  cent,  gave  a  positive  reaction.  Four  of 
these  cases  have  been  diagnosed  as  syphilitic.  The  result  of  the  Wasser- 
mann reaction  was  never  contradictory  to  the  clinical  diagnosis.  In  9  cases 
the  spinal  fluid  was  taken  for  examination  for  the  presence  of  syphilis.  In 
one  case  only  was  the  Wassermann  reaction  positive.  This  case  is  undoubt- 
edly an  early  case  of  cerebro  spinal  syphilis. 

VENEREAL  INFECTION. 

The  results  given  in  this  portion  of  the  report  were  derived  from  the 
records  of  the  Women's  Hospital  in  the  House  of  Correction.  An  examina- 
tion for  the  presence  of  venereal  disease  is  made  only  in  those  cases  in  which 
the  patient  complains  of  trouble.    The  results  are  as  follows: 


98  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

Gonorrheal  infection  alone 24 

Syphilitic    infection    alone 9 

Gonorrhea  and   Syphilis   Chancroid 11 

Chancroid    1 

Total    45 

The  distribution  of  venereal  infection,  according  to  the  offenses  for  which 
the  patient  was  committed,  is  shown  in  the  following  table: 

Offense.  Venereal  Infection. 

Drug  Addiction   11% 

Alcoholism 35% 

Disorderly  Conduct,  Vagrancy  and  Soliciting...  50% 
RECOMMENDATION. 
Such  prisoners  as  these,  because  they,  in  all  probability  have  not  the 
mental  and  physical  stamina  to  bear  up  under  unfavorable  conditions,  and 
to  adjust  themselves  to  normal  society,  should  be  segregated  on  farm  colonies 
or  in  hospitals  until  cured.  The  medical  staffs  of  our  penal  institutions  should 
be  empowered  to  commit  such  patients  to  appropriate  institutions.  (See 
conclusion  to  Sec.   B  following  and  Sec.  A,  Part   III.) 

B 

AN  INVESTIGATION  OF  INSANE  PRISONERS  IN  THE 
HOUSE  OF  CORRECTION 

We  present  herein  data  showing  the  number  of  insane  of  all  types  who 
have  been  discovered  by  the  hospital  staff  in  the  House  of  Correction  between 
January  1,  1914,  and  August  20,  1914.  The  total  number  is  132.  Of  these,  56 
were  in  such  condition  that  by  the  usual  process  of  law,  namely,  by  the  jury 
that  acts  on  such  cases,  it  was  possible  to  send  them  immediately  to  one  or 
another  of  the  state  institutions  for  the  insane. 

I.  SHOWING    THE    MENTAL    CASES    EXAMINED    IN    HOUSE    OF 
CORRECTION  FROM   JAN.   1,   1914,  TO  AUG.  20,   1914,  AND   SENT 

THENCE  TO  DETENTION  HOSPITAL  FOR  COMMIT- 
MENT TO  INSTITUTIONS  FOR  INSANE. 

Diagnosis.  No.  of  Cases. 

General  Paresis   24 

Dementia   Precox    14 

Paranoia    5 

Alcoholic   Hallucinosis    6 

Other  Cases    7 

Total   56 

II.  SHOWING  THE   MENTAL   CASES   EXAMINED   IN  THE   HOUSE 
OF  CORRECTION  FROM  JAN.  1,  1914,  TO  AUG.  20,  1914,  AND 

KEPT  THERE  TO   SERVE   OUT  THEIR  SENTENCES. 

Av.  Length 
Diagnosis  No.  of  Cases.         of  Term.  Range. 

General  Paresis    9  108  days  ZZ  days  to  213  days 

Dementia 14  106  days  33  days  to  213  days 

Paranoia  2  122  days  63  days  to  180  days 

Imbeciles    6  59  days  10  days  to       6  mo. 

Alcoholics   28  163  days  23  days  to       1  year 

Other   Cases    17  210  days  53  days  to       1  year 

Total 16 

The  remainder  of  this  group,  76  in  all,  are  positively  determined  to  be 
suffering  from  mental  diseases.  They  are  victims  of  paranoia,  of  general 
paresis,  and  of  practically  every  other  form  of  insanity  in  the  catalogue.  They 
are  not,  however,  in  such  condition  that  it  is  possible  to  have  them  committed 
by  a  jury  of  laymen  to  an  institution  for  the  insane.  They  are  a  part  of  the 
great  army  of  borderland  cases  whose  mental  alienation  is  not  readily  ap- 
parent to  a  layman.  When  they  shall  have  served  the  term  in  the  House  of 
Correction  for  which  they  were  committed,  the  duration  of  which  varies  from 
a  month  to  a  year,  or  more  than  a  year  in  some  cases  in  which  a  heavy  fine 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  99 

has  been  assessed  in  addition  to  the  House  of  Correction  sentence,  they  will 
once  more  be  free  men  in  the  streets.  Experience  both  in  this  city  and  else- 
where indicates  that  there  is  a  strong  probability  that  these  offenders  will  be 
repeated  transgressors  against  the  law.  They  will  probably  return  again  and 
again  to  such  institutions  as  the  House  of  Correction  or  the  state  penitentiary, 
a  constant  burden  upon  taxpayers  of  the  city  or  the  state,  and  a  source  of 
danger  as  well  to  law  abiding  members  of  the  community. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  patients  referred  to  above  are  by  no 
means  all  of  such  cases  that  could  be  found  by  definite  diagnosis  in  the  House 
of  Correction.  That  total  of  132  diagnoses  are  only  those  that  were  made  for 
one  reason  or  another  by  the  hospital  staff.  In  many  cases,  the  friends  of 
the  prisoners  requested  the  examination.  In  a  few  cases  the  diagnosis  was 
made  at  the  request  of  the  prisoner  himself.  The  remainder  of  the  examina- 
tions were  conducted  on  the  initiative  of  the  hospital  staff,  or  on  the  sugges- 
tion of  guards  or  other  prison  officials,  who  observed  some  striking  peculiar- 
ities in  the  prisoners.  The  only  way  to  determine  the  full  number  of  mentally 
deranged  cases  in  the  House  of  Correction  is-  to  make  a  careful,  painstaking 
diagnosis  of  the  2,000-odd  inmates  of  the  institution.  That  is  a  task  so  exact- 
ing as  to  be  beyond  the  ability  of  the  staff,  confronted  as  it  is  with  a  vast 
amount  of  professional  work  that  requires,  day  by  day,  immediate  attention. 
Indeed,  it  would  hardly  add  to  the  force  of  this  section  of  our  report  to  show 
the  full  number  of  prisoners  in  this  institution  who  are  of  the  types  design 
nated.  It  is  sufficient  to  know  that  there  is  a  considerable  number  of  these 
cases,  and,  furthermore,  that  they  are  a  source  of  recurring  offenses  and  con- 
sequent prosecution  and  imprisonment.  That  this  is  a  correct  statement  of  the 
case  is  sufficiently  indicated  by  the  following  brief  descriptions  of  typical 
cases: 

CASE  1.  Has  been  in  and  out  of  the  House  of  Correction  during  a 
period  of  at  least  14  years.  Cherishes  the  delusion  that  she  is  the  rightful 
owner  of  a  great  estate  that  is  being  withheld  from  her.  Paranoiac.  She  is 
usually  committed  for  a  term  of  a  few  months  on  charges  of  disorderly  con- 
duct. When  she  has  served  her  term  she  is  able  to  live  within  the  law  for  but 
a  few  months  at  most,  when  she  is  returned  as  a  prisoner  charged  with  a  new 
violation.  The  beautiful  symbolic  embroidery  that  she  produces  impresses  the 
uninitiated  as  evidence  of  a  high  degree  of  intelligence  and  artistic  skill.  She 
is  one  of  the  great  army  whose  repeated  minor  offenses  retard-  the  courts, 
add  to  our  sense  of  social  insecurity  and  to  the  financial  burdens  of  the  muni- 
cipality. 

CASE  2.  This  patient  was  last  arrested  on  a  charge  of  soliciting.  She 
has  been  positively  diagnosed  as  a  victim  of  General  Paresis.  She  was  sent 
to  the  Detention  Hospital,  where  the  jury  refused  to  commit  her  to  an  insti- 
tution for  the  insane.  -After  a  few  months  she  had  served  her  term  and  was 
out  again  in  the  street.     She  will  never  be  fit  to  be  at  large. 

CASE  3.  This  patient  has  been  arrested  15  times  in  Syracuse,  N.  Y., 
four  times  in  Chicago,  and  several  times  in  other  cities.  There  are  definite 
indications  of  General  Paresis  in  her  case.  She  is,  furthermore,  alcoholic. 
Her  paretic  condition  indicates  that  there  is  no  possibility  of  her  ever  being 
able  to  adjust  herself  to  normal  life. 

CASE  4.  This  woman  led  a  decent  life  until  four  years  ago,  when  she 
suffered  an  injury  to  her  skull,  and  thereafter,  as  is  often  the  case,  developed 
alcoholism.  For  four  years  she  has  been  in  and  out  of  the  institution.  It  is 
a  case  of  mental  aberration  following  head  injury.  She  will  surely  continue 
as  a  repeatedly  disorderly  person. 

These  are  not  extreme  cases.  They  are  typical  of  a  great  number,  any 
one  of  which  could  be  appropriately  selected  in  this  connection.  Dr.  Sydney 
Kuh,  the  alienist  on  the  staff  of  the  House  of  Correction,  is  authority  for  the 
statement  that  each  week  as  many  as  25  such  characters  as  the  above  are 
committed  to  the  House  of  Correction.  Only  those  who  are  especially  notice- 
able or  disturbing  elements  in  the  institution  are  brought  to  the  attention 
of  the  medical  staff.  Undoubtedly  the  majority  of  those  other  extreme  cases 
of  recidivism,  the  statistical  consideration  of  which  enters  into  Miss  Abbott's 
report  to  your  committee,  are  sufferers  from  one  or  another  type  of  mental 
aberration.  We  are  wasting  our  human  and  financial  resources  by  handling 
the  problem  they  present  as  we  are  doing  today.     What  is  to  be  done? 


100  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

RECOMMENDATIONS. 

In  the  Illinois  Revised  Statutes,  1913,  Ch.  85,  Sec.  12,  relating  to  the  trans- 
fer of  certain  prisoners  in  the  State  Penitentiary  to  the  asylum  for  insane 
criminals,  we  have  the  following  language: 

"Insane  convicts  in  the  State  Penitentiary  may  be  committed  to  the 
asylum  for  insane  criminals,  without  formal  inquest,  on  the  certificate  of  the 
penitentiary  physician." 

It  would  seem  that  a  simple  amendment  to  this  law  would  make  it  appli- 
cable to  such  institutions  as  the  Chicago  House  of  Correction  as  well  so  that 
prisoners  in  such  institutions  who  suffer  from  mental  disease  might,  without 
appeal  to  a  jury,  be  sent  to  an  institution  for  the  insane,  to  be  kept  there  until 
cured.  In  our  judgment  this  should  be  done.  Protection  against  the  unjusti- 
fied use  of  such  power  in  the  hands  of  a  prison  physician  or  medical  staff 
can  be  secured  by  requiring  that  penal  institutions  to  which  the  law  is  to  apply 
should  maintain  a  certain  standard  of  fitness  in  its  psychopathic  or  medical 
department. 

There  is  sufficient  precedent  for  such  a  procedure  as  that  recommended 
here.  In  the  Revised  Statutes  of  Connecticut,  1902,  Sec.  2782,  we  have  lan- 
guage to  this  effect:  That  when  the  jailer  of  any  common  jail  believes  that  a 
prisoner  has  become  insane  he  may  report  to  the  Governor  of  the  state,  whose 
duty  it  then  becomes  to  appoint  a  commission  of  three  experts  to  examine 
the  prisoner.  On  their  report,  if  affirmative,  the  jailer  is  authorized  to  commit 
the  prisoner  to  the  state  hospital  for  the  insane.  California  provides  a  pro- 
cedure to  the  same  end,  which,  at  any  rate,  to  a  large  extent,  avoids  the  neces- 
sity of  taking  cases  before  a  lay  jury. 

Furthermore,  the  difficulty  of  getting  a  lay  jury  to  commit  to  an  insane 
asylum  many  of  our  most  troublesome  borderland  cases  could  be  obviated  in 
a  very  large  measure  by  the  appointment  of  a  commission  on  insanity  to  sit 
at  the  House  of  Correction,  subject  to  whose  findings  alone  a  patient  could 
be  sent  to  an  appropriate  institution  or  held  at  the  House  of  Correction.  This 
commission  could  not  handle  the  case  that  demands  a  jury  hearing.  Neither 
could  the  prison  physician  or  medical  staff.  Such  a  one  must  go  to  the  jury 
according  to  the  present  practice,  but  undoubtedly  hundreds  would  not  de- 
mand such  a  hearing,  and  we  would  therefore  find  substantial  relief. 

If  some  such  procedure  as  the  above  were  adopted,  and  if  our  penal  insti- 
tutions were  equipped  with  adequate  medical  staffs,  it  would  be  possible  to 
stop  up  a  large  source  of  supply  of  our  criminal  population. 

In  an  ideal  system  those  offenders  who  were  suffering  from  mental  alien- 
ation at  the  time  of  trial  would  be  detected  in  the  court  and  committed  directly 
to  an  institution  in  which  they  could  receive  proper  attention  and  remain  until 
cured.  This  requires  the  equipment  of  the  courts  with  facilities  for  making 
psycho-physical  examinations,  and  the  equipment,  as  well,  of  a  detention  hos- 
pital in  which  those  offenders  who  are  suspected  of  being  victims  of  insanity 
may  be  kept  for  as  long  a  period  as  may  be  necessary  to  satisfy  the  psycho- 
pathologist  in  attendance  of  his  real  condition. 

The  first  requirement  for  relief  in  our  city,  to  conclude,  is  such  an  amend- 
ment to  our  state  law  as  would  enable  our  medical  staff,  in  default  of  an 
appeal  for  a  jury  hearing,  to  commit  an  insane  prisoner  to  an  institution  for 
the  insane.  If  such  a  provision  should  become  effective,  however,  it  would 
be  necessary  for  the  state  immediately  to  enlarge  her  facilities  for  caring  for 
patients  of  this  character. 

The  farm  colony  plan  has  been  found  useful  in  handling  the  class  of  cases 
described  herein,  and  we  recommend  that  the  plan  be  adopted  here.  (See  the 
preceding  Section  and  especially  the  third  division  of  this  report.) 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  101 

II 

A  STUDY  OF  ADULT  PROBATION 


_  In  connection  with  adult  probation  the  first  fundamental  problem  that 
claims  attention  is  the  selection   of  suitable  subjects  for  probation. 

Probation  is  a  method  of  education,  and,  therefore,  it  must  not  be  applied 
in  a  hit  and  miss  fashion.  There  is  the  same  justification  for  extreme  care  in 
the  selection  of  fit  subjects  for  probation  as  there  is  for  carefulness  in 
the  choice  of  boys  for  this  or  that  sort  of  instruction  or  training  in  school.  If 
this  is  true  then  there  should  be  a  careful  investigation  of  each  individual 
before  he  is  admitted  to  the  privilege  of  probation.  Of  95  per  cent  of  Cook 
.County  adult  probationers  there  is  no  trace  of  the  results  of  an  investigation, 
other  than  that  that  occurs  in  the  usual  course  of  a  trial  at  court.  The  adult 
probation  law  does  not  make  it  mandatory  for  the  court  to  seek  the  co-opera- 
tion of  the  probation  officer  in  making  investigations  into  the  history  and 
character  of  prospective  probationers.  Some  judges,  no  doubt,  leave  no  stone 
unturned  in  their  effort  to  unearth  the  life  history  of  prospective  probationers. 
In  such  cases  it  may  be  a  very  rare  occasion  when  one  who  is  unfit  is  unwit- 
tingly released  on  probation.  But  the  probation  office  has  no  record  by  which 
to  check  up  this  matter  to  determine  to  what  extent  preliminary  investiga- 
tion is  conducted  in  a  given  case  by  any  and  all  agencies. 

It  is  stated  above  that  in  the  case  of  95  per  cent  of  Cook  County  adult  pro- 
bationers there  is  no  record  of  a  preliminary  investigation.  Such  an  investigation 
is  made  each  year  on  a  few  cases  that  come  before  the  Chicago  Municipal  Court, 
With  the  number  of  probation  officers  at  the  service  of  the  court  and  2,522 
cases  admitted  during  the  year  ending  Sept.  30,  1913,  to  probation  by  this 
court  alone,  it  should  be  possible  for  the  officers  to  make  a  sufficiently  thor- 
ough investigation  of  the  life  history  of  each  case  to  determine  his  fitness  for 
probation,  provided  that  but  a  minimum  of  time  were  required  of  them  in  fol- 
lowing up  cases  in  the  field,  yet  they  make  but  few  investigations  either  before 
or  after  admission  to  probation.  It  is,  by  the  way,  the  opinion  of  students  of 
the  subject  that  one  day  spent  in  a  careful  preliminary  investigation  to  select 
the  probationer  is  worth  three  spent  in  following  him  up  after  he  has  been  ad- 
mitted to  probation. 

The  above  statement  relating  to  the  Municipal  Court  does  not  present 
a  true  picture  of  the  situation  in  Chicago.  There  are  20  adult  probation  offi- 
cers in  Cook  County,  and  the  number  of  adults  admitted  to  probation  during 
the  year  ending  last  September  30th,  was  4,696,  or  over  234  to  each  officer. 
It  does  not  need  a  special  investigation  to  show  that  it  is  impossible  for  one 
officer  to  handle  so  many;  to  make  a  careful  preliminary  investigation  and  to 
follow  up  the  cases  afterward,  assisting  them  to  secure  employment,  giving 
them  counsel  when  required,  and  receiving  their  periodical  reports.  In  an 
ideal  situation  the  officer  should  not  be  responsible  for  more  than  fifty. 

Below  we  show  how  Chicago  compares  with  other  cities  in  the  matters 
of  preliminary  investigation  of  probationers  and  number  of  probation  officers. 
Excepting  as  otherwise  noted,  the  figures  are  for  the  year  1912. 

Pw 

oSg 

Name  of  Court.  ^§ 

Municipal  Court  of  Boston 17 

Municipal  Court  of  West  Roxbury 1 

N.  Y.  City  Magistrate's  Court,   1st  Div...29 
N.  Y.  City  Magistrate's  Court,  2nd  Div...29 

Philadelphia  Quarter  Sessions 2 

Washington,  D.  C,  Police  Court 2 

Milwaukee  Municipal   2 

St.  Paul  District  and  Police  Court 5 

All  Cook  Countv  Courts   (year  ending  Sep- 
tember 30,   1914) 20 

Chicago  Municipal  Court  14 


-a 

0)    . 

ID 

m 

o  a 
d  o 

^-.S 

u 

<v  o 

Ig3 

GI3 

Ill 

en  t- 
01  o 

O  C  o 
So  <^ 

■gal  Eh 

lis 

4,259 

250 

All 

1,800 

105 

331 

331 

All 

85 

85 

1,632 

56 

None 

1,100 

?,7 

2,241 

77 

Rare 

2,500 

86 

123 

61 

Some 

240 

120 

306 

153 

All 

300 

1,50 

300 

150 

None 

400 

200 

400 

80 

50% 

4,696 

234 

5% 

2,522 

180 

102  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  as  far  as  the  number  of  probationers 
assigned  to  each  officer  is  concerned,  Chicago  courts  do  not  compare  unfavor- 
ably with  those  of  Boston,  where  approximately  the  same  number  of  cases  are 
handled.  The  New  York  City  Magistrate's  Court,  first  and  second  divisions,  have 
fifty-eight  (58)  probation  officers  at  their  disposal  and  both  divisions  together 
place  on  probation  only  three  thousand  eight  hundred  and  seventy-three  (3,873) 
cases,  making  an  average  of  only  sixty-six  plus  for  each  officer  as  against  two 
hundred  and  thirty-four  plus  for  each  officer  in  all  Cook  County  courts.  The 
New  York  Court  referred  to  makes,  through  the  probation  officers,  practically 
no  preliminary  investigations  which  is  the  rule  in  Chicago.  This  leaves  the 
way  open  in  New  York  for  especially  thorough  follow-up  work  during  the 
period  of  probation.  We  call  attention  to  the  data  in  the  table  relating  to  the 
Municipal  Court  of  Boston,  where  during  a  year  almost  as  many  persons  are 
placed  on  probation  as  in  all  of  Cook  County,  yet  with  an  average  of  250  to 
each  probation  officer  the  claim  is  made  that  each  case  was  investigated  'before' 
trial.  At  the  same  time  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Municipal  Court  of  Boston 
has  said  (Annals  Amer.  Acad.  Pol.  &  Soc.  Sci.,  March,  1914,  p.  135):  "In 
adequate  supervision  of  persons  on  probation  lies  the  very  heart  of  the  sys- 
tem." Before  the  ideals  of  preliminary  investigation  by  probation  officers  and 
thorough  field  work  cannot  be  maintained  in  Chicago  or  elsewhere  if  each 
officer  is  responsible  for  upwards  of  250  cases. 

In  the  next  place,  we  inquire  what  are  the  classes  of  offenders  from  whom 
the  least  satisfactory  results  are  obtained  in  adult  probation.  Domestic  rela- 
tions cases  are  reported  as  yielding  poorest  results  by  the  courts  in  Cook 
County,  the  Municipal  Court  of  Boston,  Dorchester  and  West  Roxbury,  New 
York  City  Magistrate  court,  1st  Division,  Erie  Superior  and  County  Court, 
Portland,  Maine,  Municipal  (Tourt,  Houghton,  Michigan,  Circuit  Court,  Muske- 
gon Circuit  Court,  Washington,  D.  C,  Police  Court  and  the  Superior  Courts 
of  California.  In  the  Milwaukee  Municipal  Court  poorest  results  are  obtained 
from  men  over  forty  years  of  age.  In  the  District  Court  of  Worcester, 
Massachusetts,  poorest  results  are  obtained  from  drunkards  and  old  persons. 
The  unemployed  are  reported  by  the  Municipal  Court  of  Brighton,  Massachu- 
setts, as  poor  material  for  probation.  This  is  as  far  as  data  can  be  obtained 
on  the  point  in  question.  Each  of  the  courts  referred  to  annually  places  on 
probation  from  one  hundred  to  several  thousand  adults.  The  reports  are 
almost  unanimous  to  the  effect  that  drunkards  are  not  good  material  for  pro- 
bation. Of  course,  the  term  "drunkard"  is  a  loose  one.  but,  nevertheless,  the 
data  referred  to  has  an  important  bearing  upon  the  selection  of  fit  cases  for 
probation. 

When  we  inquire  concerning  the  best  material  in  the  experience  of  vari- 
ous courts  we  find  no  such  unanimity.  In  the  light  of  what  is  presented  above 
we  can  exclude. drunkards,  but  when  this  has  been  said  we  can  genealize  no 
further.  First  offenders  come  more  nearly  than  others  to  being  good  subjects, 
hut  there  are  too  many  exceptions  to  allow  even  this  to  stand  as  a  general 
rule.  Whether  legally  or  not,  judges  here  and  elsewhere  occasionally  admit 
second  offenders  to  probation,  and  results  do  not  always  afford  a  basis  for 
condemning  the  practice.  Failure  or  success  on  probation  depends  upon  the 
strength  or  weakness  of  the  probationer  more  than  upon  any  other  one  factor. 
To  be  sure,  strong  ties  of  family  and  friends,  other  accidental  factors  in  the 
environment,  etc.,  assist  a  man  to  hold  his  own,  and  consequently  they  must 
be  taken  account  of  in  selecting  probationers.  But  when  all  these  things  are 
equal,  the  determining  factor  will  be  the  make-up  of  the  prospective  proba- 
tioner as  a  psycho-physical  organism.  This  is  the  reason  for  our  inability 
to  say  that  burglars  with  revolvers  on  their  hips,  and  second  offenders  of 
any  sort,  are  never  good  subjects  for  probation.  In  isolated  instances  they 
are  so.  Experience  proves  that  we  cannot  classify  fit  subjects  for  probation 
on  the  basis  of  the  kind  or  seriousness  of  offenses  they  have  committed. 

Observation  of  cases  suggests  the  following  criteria  of  fitness:  (1)  Habits 
of  industry:  (2)  Abstention  from  alcohol  and  drugs,  or  at  least  habitual  tem- 
perance, (3)  Mental  normality;  (4)  Physical  health  of  a  sufficient  degree  to 
enable  the  probationer  to  engage  successfully  in  his  occupation;  (a)  Nega- 
tive Wassermann  reaction,  and  other  evidence  of  freedom  from  all  dangerous 
infections;  (5)  Proof  of  employment  which  can  be  undertaken  at  once  at  a 
living  wage;  (6)  Possession  of  friends  of  good  character  who  will  co-operate 
with  the  officer  in  touch  with  the  probationer;  (7)  Proof  of  first  offense,  unless 
on  the  other  points  the  offender  has  exceptionally  strong  recommendations. 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  103 

The  above  criteria  would  involve  the  employment  of  a  psychopathic  and 
chemical  laboratory  to  assist  other  agencies  in  making  the  selection  of  pro- 
bationers. If  there  is  strong  objection  to  employing  in  investigation  those 
officers  who  are  subsequently  to  keep  in  touch  with  probationers  in  the  field, 
a  number  of  specially  fitted  officers  could  be  attached  permanently  to  the 
psychopathic  laboratory  to  conduct  the  social  phases  of  the  investigations. 

The  second,  third  and  fourth  criteria  above  should  be  insisted  upon  in 
every  case  chiefly  for  two  reasons:  (1)  Alcoholics,  drug  fiends,  the  mentally 
subnormal  and  the  victims  of  syphilitic  infection,  as  other  portions  of  this 
report  will  show,  present  anomalies  of  the  nervous  system  that  render  them 
unstable  in  their  responses  to  the  surroundings  and  so  enhance  the  probability 
of  their  going  wrong  again;  (2)  the  negative  Wassermann  reaction  should  be 
insisted  upon,  if  for  no  other  reason,  as  a  means  of  protecting  the  health  of 
the  community.  Every  offender  should  be  denied  the  freedom  of  probation, 
and  should  be  kept  in  detention,  at  any  rate  until  such  time  as  he  may  have 
lost  the  infectious  character  of  his  disorder,  when  he  may  be  given  the  full 
freedom  of  probation,  turned  over  to  prison  authorities,  or  released,  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  of  the  case. 

If  the  above  criteria  had  been  in  force  in  Cook  County  during  the  year 
ending  Sept.  30,  1914,  it  is  fair  to  estimate  that  there  would  have  been  at 
least  one  thousand  fewer  undesirables  admitted  to  full  freedom  of  probation. 
Most  of  those  charged  with  disorderly  conduct  would  have  been  eliminated 
on  the  ground  of  addiction  to  the  drink  habit.  Those  charged  with  soliciting, 
with  patronizing  houses  of  ill  fame,  and  with  being  inmates  of  disorderly 
houses  would  in  all  probability  be  thrown  out  on  the  ground  of  syphilitic 
infection. 

Detaining  these  people  would  be  a  problem  in  itself  at  present  because 
of  our  meager  institutional  equipment.  A  plan  for  meeting  that  difficulty  will 
be  proposed  in  another  chapter  of  this  report.  Suffice  it  to  say  here  that 
additional  institutional  equipment  contemplated  in  other  connections  will  be 
of  service  here,  and  that  during  the  detention  of  an  ofifender  who  is  fitted  for 
probation  but  for  his  alcoholic  habits  or  his  infectious  condition,  and  who 
under  the  present  practice  would  be  admitted  to  probation,  those  who  are 
dependent  upon  him  for  support  will  have  to  be  provided  for  by  means  now 
at  public  disposal. 

If  extreme  care  in  the  selection  of  probationers  along  the  lines  suggested 
herein  were  to  be  made  the  rule,  the  choice  of  probation  officers  at  once 
becomes  a  first-rate  problem.  The  present  law  (111.  Dec.  8th,  1912,  Ch.  38,  509j, 
Sec.  10)  provides  as  follows:  "Any  reputable  private  person  who  shall  be  of 
the  age  of  25  years  or  upwards  may  be  appointed  a  probation  officer."  We 
recommend  that  the  law  be  so  amended  as  to  make  it  the  duty  of  the  Governor 
of  the  State  to  appoint  a  non-partisan,  unpaid  Probation  Commission,  whose 
duty  it  shall  be  to  provide  a  certified  list  of  persons  who  are  fitted  for  serving 
as  probation  officers.  The  amendment  also  should  make  it  the  duty  of  the 
courts  to  select  officers  from  this  list.  The  commission  should  be  empowered 
to  lay  down  courses  of  study  and  training  as  a  prerequisite  for  certification, 
and  should  be  required  to  publish  an  annual  report  setting  forth  the  progress 
and  needs  of  the  probation  system  in  the  state. 

Descriptions  of  Specific  Cases  Illustrating  the  Failure  of  the  Adult  Probation 

Law   in    Illinois   to    Distinguish    Those    Who    Are    Good    Subjects   for 

the  Freedom  of  Probation,  from  Those  Who  Are  Bad  Subjects. 

We  present  below  two  groups  of  adults,  aged  now  from  23  to  35  years, 
who  have,  at  one  time  or  another,  been  on  probation  by  the  Courts  of  Cook 
County  or  the  City  of  Chicago,  within  the  space  of  three  years  preceding 
December  1st,  1914.  The  cases  included  in  these  groups  have  all  been  per- 
sonally investigated  by  your  investigators.  No  one  has  been  visited  by  us  fewer 
than  three  times.  The  statements  made  by  the  individuals  in  the  first  group 
have  been  completely  verified  by  consultation  of  the  court  and  police  records. 
The  statements  of  the  remainder  have  been  partially  verified. 

In  the  first  group,  comprising  17  persons,  we  have,  without  exception,  men 
who  have  been  guilty  of  robbery  and  burglary.  In  several  instances  the  per- 
sons when  arrested  had  concealed  weapons  on  their  persons.  In  no  case  was 
the  value  of  the  property  stolen  less  than  $125.00.  In  each  case  there  was  an 
indictment  by  the  Grand  Jury,  subsequently  the  plea  of  guilty  of  larceny  was 
accepted,  and  admission  to  probation  followed. 

Case  1. — Burglary  of  house  at  age  of  22.     Stole  jewelry  to  value  of  $150.00. 


104  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

Juvenile  Court  record.  Vigorous  physically.  Under  probation  got  into  touch 
with Term  of  probation  expired Dis- 
charged. Now  employed  as  clerk  in  department  store.  Has  been  in  this 
position  8  months.     Doing  well. 

Case  2. — Burglary.  Stole  property  valued  at  $125.00  at  age  22.  Good 
physical  type.  Gives  one  an  impression  of  intelligence.  When  arrested  had 
revolver  on  his  person.  Discharged  from  probation.  Now  salesman  in 
grocery  store.     Held  this  position  9  months. 

Case  3. — Robbed  employer  at  age  of  21   of  $400.00.     Two  Juvenile  Court 

records.     Good  physical  type.     Discharged  from  probation  on 

Has    held    present    bookkeeping    position    11    months. 

Trusted. 

Case  4. Burglary  at   age   20,   value   $200.00.     Carrying   a   weapon.     No 

previous     offense.     Plead     larceny     of     $15.00.     Probation.     Discharged     on 

For  13  months  has  satisfactorily  held 

a  position  as  department  store  salesman. 

Case  5. — Robbery.  Took  $125.00  from  till  at  age  20.  Juvenile  Court 
record.  Made  good  connections  under  probation  officer.  Discharged  from 
probation  on  Now  salesman  in  de- 
partment store.  Has  held  three  jobs  in  15  months.  Improves  self  with  each 
move. 

Case  6. — Burglary  at  age  22.  Value  of  property  $500.00.  Plead  larceny. 
Probation.  Discharged.  Previous  police  record.  For  10  months  salesman  in 
department  store. 

Case  7. — Burglary  at  age  23.  Property  taken  valued  at  $350.00.  Lar- 
ceny. Since  day  of  probation  has  been  serving  as  hotel  waiter  in  one  place 
continuously.     Married  and  living  honestly. 

Case  8. — Burglary  at  age  20.  Goods  taken  valued  at  $200.00.  Since  day 
of  probation  has  worked  continuously  8  months  as  machinist.  Saving  his 
money  to  buy  house  and  get  married. 

Case  9. — Burglary  at  age  25.  Goods  taken  valued  at  $300.00.  Working 
since  day  of  probation  as  machinist,  9  months. 

Case  10. — Burglary  at  age  30.  Value  of  goods  taken  $550.00.  Plumber. 
Steady  worker.     Doing   exceptionally   well. 

Case  11. — Burglary  at  age  25.  Value  of  goods  taken  $130.00.  Now  book- 
keeper.    Reliable.     Has  made  a  circle  of  friends  among  good,  reliable  people. 

Case  12. — Burglary  at  age  21.  Value  of  goods  taken  $600.00.  Carried  a 
gun  when  arrested.  Juvenile  Court  record.  Worked  up  into  bookkeeping 
position  since  day  of  probation.     Has  made  good  connections  in  church,  etc. 

Case  13. — Burglary  at  age  22.  Goods  stolen  $300.00.  Arrested  once  be- 
fore; discharged.  For  seven  months  has  been  working  faithfully  as  a  book- 
keeper.    Has  a  good  circle  of  friends. 

Case  14. — Burglary  at  age  24.  Goods  stolen  $225.00.  Carried  a  gun. 
During  probation  and  since  discharge  for  nearly  four  months  has  been  work- 
ing faithfully  as  machinist. 

Case  15. — Burglary  at  age  24.  Value  of  goods  taken  $169.00.  Worked  in 
store  during  probation.  Since  discharge  has  been  salesman  in  department 
store.     Lodges   in   good  surroundings  and  has  formed  good  associations. 

Case  16. — Burglary  at  age  22.  Value  of  goods  taken  approximately 
.*R175.00.  Carried  a  gun.  Record  of  incorrigibility  in  school.  Machinist.  Do- 
ing well. 

Case  17. — Burglary  at  age  23.  Value  of  goods  taken  $140.00.  Salesman 
in  provision  store.  Third  job  since  day  of  probation.  Each  move  an  im- 
provement.    Doing  well. 

Judging  from  the  behavior  of  these  men  since  the  day  on  which  they 
were  placed  on  probation,  one  is  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  an  injustice 
would  have  been  done  them  had  the  present  law  been  strictly  applied.  They 
should  have  been  committed  for  a  term  of  imprisonment.  As  far  as  these 
men  are  concerned,  society  would  be  no  better,  if  as  well,  protected  by  mak- 
ing them  suffer  the  legal  penalty  for  burglary,  than  it  is  protected  against 
them  at  present.  These  men,  without  exception,  impress  the  observer  as 
strong  men  physically  and  as  intelligent  persons  as  well. 

In  the  second  group  of  13  men  we  have  cases  who  were  discovered  in  the 
House  of  Correction.  They  have  been  committed  on  the  charge  of  larceny, 
though  they  were  originally  indicted  for  burglary.  Each  of  these  men  has 
had  more  or  less  of  a  criminal  history.     Each  one  had  at  one  time  been  on 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  lOS 

adult  probation  (acording  to  their  statements)  and  had  violated  the  condi- 
tions of  probation,  or,  having  lived  through  the  probationary  period  suc- 
cessfully, had  subsequently  committed  crime.  We  were  not  able  in  every 
case  to  find  in  the  court  records  the  data  relating  to  the  action  that  led  up 
to  the  probation.  If  a  certain  group  of  seven  among  them  had  been  admit- 
ted to  probation,  it  was  under  other  names  than  those  by  which  they  were 
known  at  the  House  of  Correction.  The  remaining  six  do  have  court  records 
under  the  names  given  to  us  and  were  at  one  time  admitted  to  probation. 
Each  of  these  five  shows  external  symptoms  of  alcoholic  habits  or  venereal 
infection  or  both.  One  is  undoubtedly  feeble-minded.  Each  one  had  a  bad 
history  of  delinquency.  The  date  of  their  admission  to  probation  was  in  no 
case  more  than  13  months  previous  to  December  1,  1914.  If  they  were  at 
that  time  in  the  condition  in  which  they  now  are,  an  adequate  preliminary  in- 
vestigation, as  described  in  the  earlier  part  of  this  report,  should  have  pre- 
vented probation  Their  history  itself  excludes  them  from  probation  accord- 
ing to  the  law.  This  last  group  clearly  shows  inadequate  investigation  in 
these  cases  at  any  rate.  On  the  other  hand,  such  investigations  as  are  now 
made  might  easily  have  excluded  all  of  the  first  group. 

RECOMMENDATIONS 
To  carry  out  the  recommendations  of  this  report  relative  to  the  selection 
of  probationers,  the  present  law  requires  certain  amendments.  Some  of  the 
changes  proposed  here  have  already  been  considered  and  adopted  by  a  com- 
mittee of  the  Civic  Federation  of  Chicago:  (1)  Only  those  defendants 
who  are  guilty  of  murder  or  treason  should  be  absolutely  denied  proba- 
tionary treatment.  Those  who  have  been  previously  convicted  of  a  crime 
should  not  be  eligible  to  probation  excepting  on  the  unanimous  agree- 
ment of  those  who  have  investigated  the  case.  (2)  An  amendment  should 
require  the  court  to  order  the  probation  officers  and  the  Director  of  the 
Psychopathic  Laboratory  to  determine  the  personal  characteristics,  habits, 
health  of  body  and  mind  of  the  defendant,  the  character  of  his  associates 
within  his  family  and  outside  of  it,  and  whatever  other  facts  may  aid  the 
court  in  determining  the  defendant's  fitness  for  the  full  freedom  of  probation. 
In  case  the  examination  reveals  a  condition  of  mental  subnormality  or  of 
dangerous  infection  or  other  disorder  that  makes  him  unable  to  pursue  his 
occupation  in  life,  it  should  be  made  the  duty  of  the  court  to  place  the  de- 
fendant on  probation  to  the  superintendent  of  a  detention  hospital  for  treat- 
ment or  to  an  institution  for  the  feeble  minded,  as  the  case  may  require.  All 
reports  presented  by  the  probation  officers  and  by  the  psychopathic  labora- 
tory should  be  filed  as  parts  of  the  proceedings  in  the  case. 


106         J  "■"  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

III 

SOME  STUDIES  OF  JUVENILE  DELINQUENTS 
IN  CHICAGO 


The  proper  study  of  criminology  is  the  juvenile  delinquent.  He  is  not  a 
criminal,  but  may  be  one  in  the  making.  He  will  'become  a  criminal  unless 
we  understand  him  and  act  upon  our  knowledge.  The  more  complete  our 
knowledge  and  control  of  him  the  more  successful  shall  we  be  in  preventing 
the  development  of  criminals.  Investigations  in  this  field,  therefore,  should 
first  challenge  the  interest  of  the  criminologist.  The  measure  of  the  con- 
structive ability  of  a  state  or  municipality  in  its  treatment  of  the  problem 
growing  out  of  the  presence  of  criminals  within  its  borders  is  found  in  the 
broad  minded  efficiency  that  it  demonstrates  in  dealing  with  its  juvenile  de- 
linquents, and,  for  that  matter,  with  its  juvenile  population  in  general. 

It  was  in  this  faith  that  we  undertook  the  investigations  on  which  we 
report  in  the  following  sections.  No  one  of  these  studies  comes  near  to  satis- 
fying one's  instinct  for  completeness.  Each  of  them,  however,  we  believe, 
exposes  important  facts  with  Which  the  public  is  not  sufficiently  acquainted 
and  discloses  the  way  by  which  further  research  and  practical  remediable 
measures  should  proceed. 

In  Section  A  we  report  on  the  physical  and  mental  condition  of  63  juve- 
nile delinquents — boys — who  are  confined  in  the  John  Worthy  School,  Chi- 
cago. Dr.  H.  C.  Stevens,  Director  of  the  Psychopathic  Laboratory  at  the 
University  of  Chicago,  made  the  physical  examinations  and  did  a  part  of  the 
mental  testing  in  these  cases. 

In  Section  B  we  report  on  the  history  of  116  juvenile  delinquents  since 
their  conditions  were  subject  to  diagnosis  in  the  Juvenile  Psychopathic  In- 
stitue  in  1910,  1911  and  1912.  Miss  Kawin,  Probation  Officer  of  the  Juvenile 
Court,  secured  the  records  of  examination  in  these  cases  and  collected  the 
details  relating  to  their  history  during  their  probationary  and  post-proba- 
tionary periods.  Mr.  Edwin  Booz  assisted  in  putting  the  material  into  the 
form  in  which  it  stands  in  this  report. 

Secton  C  is  a  report  on  the  280  Cook  County  boys  who  are  now  in  the 
State  Reformatory  at  St.  Charles.  Mr.  Edwin  Booz,  with  great  care,  col- 
lected the  data  and  assisted  in  putting  it  into  the  form  in  which  it  stands. 

In  Section  D  is  a  report  on  the  occupations  of  juvenile  delinquent  boys 
who  were  on  probation  on  September  1,  1914,  and  during  four  months  pre- 
ceding. For  this  material  we  are  indebted  to  the  co-operation  of  Mr.  Joel 
Hunter,  Chief  Juvenile  Probation  Officer  of  Cook  County,  who  distributed 
our  questionaire  among  his  officers  and  collected  their  returns. 

We  are  indebted  also  to  Dr.  D.  P.  MacMillen,  Director  of  the  Child  Study 
Bureau  of  the  Board  of  Education  of  Chicago;  to  Dr.  William  Healy,  Director 
of  the  Juvenile  Psychopathic  Institute;  to  the  Juvenile  Court;  to  Principal 
Mortensen  of  the  Chicago  Parental  School,  and  Principal  Milliken  of  the 
John  Worthy  School,  for  granting  the  freedom  of  their  offices. 


MENTAL  AND  PHYSICAL  EXAMINATION  OF  63  JUVENILE 
DELINQUENTS  IN  THE  JOHN  WORTHY  SCHOOL 

This  investigation  was  applied  to  63  boys  in  the  John  Worthy  School  of 
Chicago.  The  ages  of  the  boys  range  from  10  to  16  years.  The  school  in 
which  they  are  confined  is  conducted  and  maintained  by  the  Board  of  Edu- 
cation of  the  City  of  Chicago.  It  is,  however,  a  semi-penal  institution,  and  is 
a  place  of  commitment  and  detention.  Many  of  these  boys  are  detained 
here  pending  an  opening  for  them  in  the  State  Reformatory  at  St.  Charles. 
We  have  examined  the  conditon  of  the  eyes,  teeth,  throats,  ears,  vital  organs, 
muscular  power,  co-ordination,  reflexes,  as  indications  of  nervous  function, 
blood,  as  indicated  by  the  Wasserman  test,  and  finally  the  mental  condition 
of  each  subject  as  indicated  by  the  Binet  and  Kent-Rosanofif  tests. 

The  boys  were  brought  to  the  examining  room  by  attendant  at  the 
school  just  as  they  happened  to  be  available  when  the  examiner  was  at  the 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME 


107 


institution.  There  was  no  principle  of  selection,  therefore,  excepting  that  we 
aimed  to  get  the  most  recent  arrivals  at  the  school.  Since  the  number  we 
examined,  63,  is  approximately  one-half  of  the  population  of  the  school,  it  is 
fairto  assume  that  our  results  are  indicative  of  conditions  throughout  the 
institution. 

Following,  in  detail,  are  the  results  of  the  investigation: 
The  results  obtained  point  to  the  necessity  of  a  prolonged  and  intensive 
study  of  delinquent  boys.  The  study  should  be  directed  toward  the  acquire- 
ment of  information  with  regard  to  the  general  mental  age  of  the  individual, 
the  condition  of  the  nervous  system,  and  the  examination  of  the  blood  for 
the  presence  of  infectious  disease.  Sixty-three  cases  are  altogether  too  few 
in  number  to  permit  drawing  valid  general  conclusions,  but  the  results  are 
sufficiently  suggestive  to  indicate  the  need  of  further  research  along  the  line 
indicated  for  this  study. 

The  ages  of  the  boys  of  this  group  varied  from  12  to  17.  The  ofifenses 
for  which  they  were  committed  were  larceny,  truancy  and  disorderly  conduct. 
The  report  shows  specifically  the  results  obtained. 

1.  Binet  test. 

2.  Wasserman  test  of  the  blood  serum. 

3.  Nervous  symptoms  as  determined  by  a  physical  examination. 

4.  Pathological  conditions   within  the   chest. 

5.  Pathological  conditions  of  the  mouth,  nose  and  throat. 

6.  Pathological  conditions  of  the  abdomen  and  genitals. 

BINET    TEST 
The  Binet  test  was  performed  on  34  boys.     The  correlation  between  the 
actual  age  in  years  and  the  mental  age,  as  determined  by  this  test,  is  shown 


in  Table  I. 


Actual  Age . 


TABLE  I.     BINET  TEST. 


10 


11 


12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 


12 
2 


13 


Binet 

15  Adult 

Age 

2 

0 

1       ... 

4 

2       ... 

6 

5 

15 

2 

No.  of  Boys 
1    


0         0         3  2  2  9 

GRAPH  I,  BINET  TEST 
9  10  11  12  13 

DEGREE  OF  RETARDATION 
TABLE  II 


15 


Adult 


Years  Retarded 

10 

7 


From  Table  II  it  appears  that  fourteen  boys  out  of  thirty-four,  or  41  per 
cent,   are  four  years  or  more  retarded.     Of  the   same   thirty-four,   the   Kent- 
Rosanofif  test  indicates  that  thitreen  are  subnormal. 
WASSERMAN   REACTION 
TABLE  III 
Results  of  Wasserman  test  on  the  blood  serum: 

10    


1 
6 
6 
2 

35 


Total..  60  98.3 

Certainly    afifected    26% 

Doubtful     13% 

Negative     61% 


108  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

The  positive  reaction  is  indicated  by  a  plus  sign  and  a  negative  reaction 
by  a  minus  sign.  The  strength  of  the  positive  reaction  is  indicated  by  the 
number  of  plus  signs.  The  strongest  reaction  is  indicated  by  four  pluses,  the 
next  strongest  by  three  pluses,  the  next  by  two  pluses,  and  the  weakest  by  a 
single  plus.  The  doubtful  positive  reaction  is  indicated  by  a  plus  sign  and  a 
question  mark.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  table  that  26%  of  the  boys  tested 
show  a  two-plus  reaction  or  stronger.  This  means  that  at  least  26%  are  cer- 
tainly affected  with  syphilis.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  at  least  two  of  the 
boys  have  acquired  gonorrheal  urothritis,  it  is  possible  that  some  of  those 
aflected  with  syphilis  have  also  acquired  it  by  sexual  contact.  In  view  of  the 
youthfulness  of  the  boys,  it  is  perhaps  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
syphilis  came  from  their  parents.  It  is,  therefore,  of  the  congenital  variety. 
A  comparison  of  the  results  of  the  Binet  test  with  the  results  of  the  Wasser- 
man  test  does  not  show  that  mental  retardation  coincides  with  the  syphilitic 
infection,  at  least  in  every  case.  In  view  of  the  26%  of  undoubted  syphilitic 
infections  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  presence  of  this  disease  is  in 
part  responsible  for  the  criminal  behavior  of  the  boys,  although  it  cannot 
be  said  to  produce  criminal  behavior  by  first  producing  mental  deficiency. 
NERVOUS  SYMPTOMS  _ 
Nervous  symptoms  are  of  three  sorts,  changes  in  reflexes,  sensation  and 
co-ordination.     The  occurrence  of  these  symptoms  is  shown  in  Table  IV. 

TABLE  IV 

Number.        Per  Cent. 

Nystagmus     48  76 

Anisocoria     10  16 

Reflexes    changed    7  11 

Inco-ordination     IS  24 

Sensation     4  6 

Deafness     1 

Nystagmus  is  an  abnormal,  oscillatory  movement  of  the  eyes.  Anisocoria 
is  inequality  in  the  size  of  the  pupils  of  the  eyes.  Changes  in  the  reflexes  are 
inequalities  in  the  reflexes  of  the  two  sides  of  the  body.  Inco-ordination 
means  faulty  movements  in  certain  parts  of  the  body.  Changes  in  sensation 
are  loss  or  diminution  of  the  normal  power  to  feel. 

PATHOLOGICAL  CONDITIONS  OF  THE  CHEST 
Pathological  findings  of  the  chest  are  shown  in  Table  V.  The  table 
shows  that  in  nine  out  of  sixty-three  cases,  or  14%,  there  is  evidence  of 
cardiac  disease  in  the  nature  of  a  mitral  regurgitation.  In  twenty-one  out  of 
sixty-three,  approximately  34%,  pathological  conditions  were  found  to  be 
present  in  the  lungs. 

TABLE   V,   CHEST 

Number.        Per  Cent. 

Mitral  regurgitation    9  14.3 

Rales    21  33.3 

Thyroid   enlarged    3  4.8 

Arhythmia    of   heart 4  6.3 

PATHOLOGICAL  CONDITIONS  OF  MOUTH,  NOSE  AND  THROAT 
Pathological  conditions  of  the  mouth,  nose  and  throat  are  exhibited  in 
Table  VI.  The  most  comon  defect  is  enlarged  tonsils  in  approximately  44% 
of  the  cases.  Of  secondary  importance  is  the  condition  of  the  teeth.  There 
is  pyorrhea  alveolaris  present  in  approximately  41%  of  the  cases. 

TABLE   VI 

Number.        Per  Cent. 

Pyorrhea    26  41 

Tonsils   enlarged    28  44 

Palate    asymmetrical    18  29.8 

Mouth    breathing    .• 7  11 

Hutchinsonian   teeth    5  7.9 

PATHOLOGICAL  CONDITIONS  OF  ABDpMEN  AND  GENITALS 
The  condition  of  the  abdomen  and  genitals  is  shown  in  Table  VII. 

TABLE  VII 

Number.        Per  Cent. 

Inguinal   glands   enlarged 35  55 

Hernia  (Inguinal  1,  Umbilical  2) 3  4.7 

Phimosis     6  9.5         :  _ "^ 

Gonorrheal  urethritis    2  3.5  '~'T 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  109 

Enlargement  of  the  inguinal  glands  is  exceedingly  common.     A  condition 
requiring  circumcision  was   found  in  six  cases,  or  9%.     Inguinal  hernia  was 
present  in  one  case,  and  umbilical  hernia  in  two  cases.     Two  of  the  boys  re- 
ported gonorrheal  urethritis.     This  diagnosis,  however,  was  not  made  by  the 
■■'   -  RACE 

The  distribution  of  the  boys  with  respect  to  race  is  shown  in  Table  VIII. 

TABLE  VIII 
.,.      .■   .  ■  Number.        PeV  Cent. 

•'*"■ Negro     13  20.7 

VVhite 50  79.3 

The  distribution  of  the  boys  with  respect  to  the  offenses  for  which  they 
were  committed  is  shown  in  Table  IX. 

TABLE  IX 

Number.        Per  Cent. 

Larceny     49  77.7 

Truancy     11  17.5 

Disorderly  conduct    3  4.8 

The  following  are  notes  on  the  life  histories  of  typical  cases  among  those 
whose  mental  and  physical  conditions  furnish  the  basis  of  this  report.  They 
afford  a  concrete  picture  of  the  boys  whom  we  are  studying.  Judging  from 
the  histories  disclosed  here,  one  would  asume  that  many  of  these  boys  are 
already  at  least  fairly  well  confirmed  delinquents. 
CASE  1.— Born  December  25,  1897. 

March    5,    1910,    charged    with    cutting   out   plumbing   in   a   vacant   house. 
Damage  $20.00.     Father  depicted  as  a  bad  man  and  the  home  environ- 
ment was  bad. 
March  24,  1910,  disposition.     Continued  generally. 
June  1,  1912,  charged  with  using  insulting  language  to  a  young  girl. 
June  10,  1912,  disposition — committed  to  J.  W.  S. 
April  2,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  coal  from  cars. 
July  4,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  two  sacks  of  potatoes,  assisted  by  two 

other  boys. 
July  13,  1914,  disposition  J.  W.  S.    _ 

Wasserman  reaction  strongly  positive.     Romberg  negative. 
CASE  2.— Born  May  27,  1898. 

March  3,  1914,  charged  with  general  vagrancy  and  incorrigibility. 

March   16,  1914,  disposition — paroled. 

April  9,  1914,  charged  with  leaving  home  and  stealing  $9.00. 

April  10,  1914,  physical  examination  by  Dr.  Yerger — O.  K. 

May    5,    1914,    disposition — paroled.     Held    in    detention    home    for    four 

months. 
October   13,   1914,  charged   with  stealing  and  pawning  a  ring  and  watch 

and  forging  a  few  small  checks  in  S.  D. 
October  28,  1914,  disposition— J.  _W.  S. 
Wasserman   reaction   positive — mild.     Romberg  negative. 

CASE  3.— Born  May  30,  1898. 

January  3,  1911,  Parental  School. 

September  27,  1914,  charged  with  burglary;  stole  phonograph  ($25.00) 
and  records   ($8.00)   with  two  other  boys. 

December  2,  1912,  disposition — continued  generally. 

September  2,  1913,  charged  with  receiving  a  stolen  suit  of  clothes  and 
sweater;  acknowledged  sexual  intercourse. 

September  29,  1913,  disposition — J.  W.  S.;  released  on  good  record,  De- 
cember 24,  1913. 

October  11,  1914,  charged  with  holding  up  and  robbing  a  man  of  watch 
and  $l7.00.     Education,   cannot  read   English. 

October  14,  1914,  dispositon— J.  W.  S. 

Tremor  in  fingers. 

CASE  4.— Born  September  4,  1899. 

July    1,    1911,    charged   with    stealing   potatoes,    assisted    by    three    others. 

Disposition — continued    generally. 
January  26,  1912,  Parental  School. 
July  21,  1913,  charged  with  taking  a  horse  and  wagon  in  the  Loop  district 

and  driving  to  Melrose  Park  on  his  way  west. 
August  6,  1913,  disposition — paroled. 


110  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

August  28,  1913,  burglary;  rifles  and  revolvers. 

September  2,  1913,  sent  to  J.  W.  S. 

December  24,  1913,  released  to  uncle. 

July  23,   1914,  paroled  to  father. 

August  18,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  automobile  tire  from  Adams  Ex- 
press  Co. 

August  27,  1914,  disposition — continued  to  get  work. 

October  8,  1914,  disposition— J.  W.  S. 

Wasserman    reaction   strongly   positive;    tremor   of   eyelash;    nails   bitten. 
Romberg  negative. 
CASE  5.— Born  July  30,  1900. 

August  6,  1911,  charged  with  stealing  newspapers,  with  several  others. 

September  26,  1913,  charged  with  stealing  goods  from  delivery  and  ped- 
dlers' wagons  with  others. 

October  10,  1913,  disposition — paroled. 

September  24,  1913,  charged  with  systematically  robbing  ticket  agents  of 
elevated  road. 

January  23,  1914,  disposition — Chicago  Parental  School. 

July  25,  1914,  charged  with  assault  and  battery. 

September  12,  1914,  charged  with  entering  and  stealing  a  coat  and  pair  of 
trousers  from  tailor  shop. 

September  5,  1914,  disposition — J.  W.  S. 

Wasserman  reaction  negative.     Romberg  negative. 
CASE  6.— Born   December  27,   1898. 

August  20  1914,  charged  with  stealing  laundry.  Prior  to  this  he  ran  away 
from  an  industrial  school  in  St.  Louis  and  "beat"  his  way  to  Chicago. 
He  is  a  vagrant  here. 

August  28,  1914,  disposition — committed  to  J.  W.  S.,  arrangements  being 
made  for  his  return  to  his  home  in  St.   Louis. 
CASE  7.— Born  October  18,  1898. 

July  7,  1910,  charged  with  general  incorrigibility.  Disposition — paroled, 
to  be  placed  on  a  farm. 

March  28,  1911,  charged  with  truancy  and  general  incorrigibility.  Dispo- 
sition— continued   for  Parental   School  petition. 

April  7,  1911,  committed  to  St.  Charles  16  months. 

June  16,  1914,  charged  with  incorrigibility.     Disposition — J.  W.  S. 

Wasserman  reaction  negative;  termor  in  fingers.     Romberg  negative. 
CASE  8.— Born  September  29,  1899. 

June  10,  1909,  mother  is  mentally  weak,  and  father's  work  compels  him 
to  sleep  day  times,  so  that  he  cannot  look  after  the  education  of  his 
boys.  They  are  habitual  truants.  Disposition — Manual  Training 
School. 

August  1,  1910,  the  child's  mother  has  been  living  illegally  with  (  ) 

for  the  past  14  years.  On  the  night  of  July  23  she  deserted  her  fam- 
ily. At  no  time  have  the  children  had  proper  care  or  guardianship. 
At  various  times  the  mother  has  deserted  the  family  for  indefinite 
periods. 

August  8,  1910,  a  good  home  found  for  these  children. 

April  28,  1912,  charged  with  stealing  rubber  heels. 

May  17,  1913,  disposition — committed  to  St.  Charles;  released  in  June, 
1914. 

July  28,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  a  revolver  from  a  saloon  while  in 
company  with  two  others.  "This  boy  has  no  home;  he  has  been 
sleeping  in  outhouses  and  barns." 

Wasserman  reaction  strongly  positive.     Romberg  negative. 

CASE  9.— Born  July  12,  1899. 

August  11,  1914,  charged  with  attempting  to  hold  up  and  rob  a  junk 
dealer  in  his  own  basement. 

September  18,  1914,  charged  with  sleeping  out.  He  is  suffering  from 
venereal  disease. 

September  18,  1914,  disposition — J.  W.  S.  for  treatment  for  gonorrhea. 

Wasserman  reaction  negative;   fine  tremor.     Romberg  negative. 
CASE  10.— Born  March  19,  1898. 

August,  1914,  charged  with  incorrigibility. 

August  17,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  a  motorcycle. 


'  UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  111 

August  17,  1914,  disposition — paroled. 

September  15,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  a  case  of  oranges  and  pears. 

September  24,  1914,  disposition — J.  W.  S.  Has  been  in  this  county  one 
year. 

Wasserman  reaction  mildly  positive;  co-ordination  poor.  Romberg  neg- 
ative. 

CASE  11.— Born  August  28,  1898. 

March  20,  1914,  charged  with  general  incorrigibility  and  vagrancy.  Bad 
neighborhood  and  home  conditions. 

May  5,  1914,  disposition — paroled. 

June  11,  1914,  charged  with  general  vagrancy.     Disposition — J.  W.  S. 

Wasserman  reaction  strongly  positive.     Romberg  negative. 
CASE  12.— Born  November  23,  1890. 

July  30,  1912,  charged  with  stealing  two  bicycles.  Dispositon — dismissed 
when  the  damages  and  cost  were  adjusted. 

September  19,  1912,  charged  with  entering  and  stealing  from  a  cutlery 
store  two  revolvers  and  one  gold  filled  watch,  value  $8.50,  with  an- 
other boy. 

October  14,  1912,  disposition — continued  generally. 

September  26,  1913,  charged  with  stealing. 

October  5,  1913,  this  boy  is  a  kleptomaniac.  I  am  confident  that  the 
boy,  who  is  of  high  nervous  temperament,  is  not  really  a  bad  boy. 

October  10,  1913,  dispositon — continued  until  December  19. 

December  3,  1913,  charged  with  entering  and  stealing  from  a  box-ball 
alley  $5.00  in  cash  and  candies  and  cigars  to  the  extent  of  $3.00. 

December  16,  1913,  disposition — committed  to  St.  Charles.  At  request 
of  father  stayed  in  J.  W.   S.  2  1-2  months. 

April  16,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  a  check  and  trying  to  pass  it. 

July  16,  1914,  disposition — paroled;  put  on  a  farm. 

July  25,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  a  horse  and  buggy  valued  at  $250.00. 

August  24,  1914,  disposition — continued  and  held  in  Detention  Home  until 
September  10,   1914. 

September  10,  1914,  charged  with  breaking  in  and  stealing  stamps.  Dis- 
position— J.  W.  S. 

Wasserman  reaction  negative.     Romberg  negative. 

CASE  13.— Born  December  15,  1900. 

August  22,  1911,  charged  with  general  incorrigibility. 

October  9,  1911,  disposition — adjudged  dependent. 

December  22,   1911,  charged  with   running  away. 

December   27,    1911,   disposition — released   three   times   to   the   mother   on 

parole. 
January   31,    1912,   charged   with    general   incorrigibility.     Disposition — St. 

Charles. 
May  18,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  coal;  not  brought  into  court;  settled 

outside. 
September  29,  1914,  charged  with  stealing  fruit  valued  at  $13.00,  with  five 

or  six  other  boys. 
October  5,  1914,  disposition — J.  W.  S. 
Wasserman  reaction  negative.     Romberg  negative. 

CONCLUSION 

The  results  of  the  examinations  on  approximately  one-half  the  population 
of  the  John  Worthy  School  demonstrate  a  deplorable  condition.  One-quar- 
ter, perhaps  even  39%,  of  these  boys  suffer  from  venereal  infection.  Their 
nervous  symptoms  point  to  profound  disorder  of  the  nervous  system  and 
suggest  that  at  best  their  reaction  to  a  normal  environment  will  be  unre- 
liable. Their  physical  condition,  besides  offering  no  guarantee  even  of  the 
probability  of  the  establishment  of  steady  habits,  leaves  no  doubt  in  our 
minds  that  these  boys,  if  they  were  at  liberty  now,  would  be  as  great  a  menace 
to  the  health  of  the  community  as  those  adults  in  the  House  of  Correction 
reported  on  in  another  section  of  this  report. 

The  prevalence  of  the  infectious  condition  we  have  found  to  exist  in  these 
boys  is  not  far  different  from  that  which  is  reported  from  the  Psychopathic 
Hospital  of  Boston  (Contributions  from  the  Psychopathic  Hospital,  1913,  pp. 
57-62).  Out  of  eleven  children,  aged  two  to  eighteen  years,  who  had  been 
consecutively  examined  in  the  out-patient  department  of  that  hospital,  31.5% 


112  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

yielded  a  positive  reaction  to  the  Wassermann  test.  But  78%  of  this  group 
were  delinquents  in  any  form,  and  of  these  78,  only  11  were  Juvenile  Court 
cases.  The  remaining  67  had  been  brought  to  the  hospital  for  examination  on 
account  of  truancy  (15),  incorrigibility  (14),  immorality  (11),  stealing  (14), 
untruthfulness  (11),  and  forgery  (2).  It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  45.7% 
of  the  mentally  defective  in  this  group  from  the  Boston  hospital  gave  a  posi- 
tive reaction  to  the  Wasserman  test.  It  would  be  profitable  to  inquire,  ex- 
perimentally, whether  syphilitic  infection   may  produce  mental  defectiveness. 

RECOMMENDATIONS 

The  above  data  and  conclusions  suggest  the  following  recommendation: 
That  the  farm  colonies  and  hospitals  recommended  in  another  section  of  the 
report  (Section  B,  first  division  on  the  treatment  of  mentally  alienated  and 
otherwise  abnormal  adult  prisoners)  be  supplemented  by  places  of  detention 
for  such  youths  as  those  reported  on  here  until  they  are  pronounced  by  a 
competent  medical  staff  to  be  fit  to  move  in  a  normal  community  without 
being  a  social  menace  and  a  source  of  danger  as  well  to  public  health.  What- 
ever may  be  said  of  the  advantages  of  farm  colonies  in  this  connection  applies 
equally  in  the  case  of  adults. 

Such  places  of  detention  should  be  in  the  nature  of  farm  villages  or  colo- 
nies simlar  to  that  for  adults  at  Occoquan,  Va.  Institutions  of  this  sort 
should  be  provided  and  maintained  by  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  others  by  the 
City  of  Chicago.  There  should  be  provision  in  such  institutions  for  delin- 
quents, and  particularly  for  such  boys  as  those  discovered  in  our  investiga- 
tions in  the  John  Worthy  School  who  are  unfit,  by  reason  of  mental  and 
physical  condition  and  confirmed  habits,  either  for  probation  or  for  early 
parole.  Similar  equipment  should  be  provided  for  non-delinquent  juvenile 
defectives  also. 

Commitment  to  such  an  institution  should  be  with  or  without  the  consent 
of  the  parent  or  guardian  of  the  child.  Release  should  be  obtained:  (a)  only 
on  the  certification  of  the  medical  staff  of  the  institution  that  the  individual 
v/hose  release  is  considered  will  not  be  a  menace  to  public  health;  (b)  on  cer- 
tification by  the  same  staff  that  the  indivdual  is  mentally  and  physicaly  able 
to  support  himself;  (c)  on  assurance  that  competent  friends  are  at  hand  to 
render  assistance  and  encouragement  when  needful. 

This  institution  should  include  such  features  as  a  farm,  a  dairy,  carpenter 
shop,  machine  shop,  painting,  printing  and  repair  shops,  bricklaying  school, 
playgrounds,  power  and  heating  plant  and  hospital.  The  control  of  the  city 
institution  should  be  vested  in  a  non-partisan  board  of  five  or  seven  ap- 
pointed by  the  Mayor,  and  since  the  purpose  of  the  plant  is  educational,  their 
appointment  should  be  approved  by  the  Superintendent  of  Schools. 

A  committee  on  legislation  under  the  chairmanship  of  Mr.  Sherman 
Kingsley,  appointed  by  President  A.  A.  McCormick  of  the  Cook  County 
Board,  is  charged  with  the  duty  of  preparing  bills  providing  for  the  follow- 
ing: 

1.  A  new  institution  on  the  colony  plan,  situated  within  60  miles  of 
Chicago,  which  will  provide  a  permanent  home  and  suitable  industrial  train- 
ing and  occupation  for  feeble  minded  persons  of  all  ages. 

2.  The  admission  of  feeble  minded  persons  of  all  ages  to  the  Lincoln 
State  School  and  Colony. 

3.  The  commitment  of  defective  delinquents  both  to  the  Lincoln  State 
School  and  Colony  and  to  the  proposed  institution. 

4.  The  permanent  detention,  without  parole,  of  all  feeble  minded  persons, 
inmates  of  the  Lincoln  State  School  and  Colony  and  the  institution  to  be  es- 
tablished. 

Such  measures  as  the  above  would  give  us  great  relief.  In  our  opinion, 
however,  in  whatever  provision  we  make  for  the  feeble  minded  we  should 
have  in  mind  also  the  control  of  the  dangerously  infected,  whether  old  or 
young,  who  are  a  menace  to  public  health,  and  who,  as  our  results  suggest, 
cannot  be  depended  upon  for  stable  behavior. 

The  plan  for  making  a  substitute  for  the  John  Worthy  School  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  city  will  give  but  partial  relief  to  our  situation.  Besides,  the 
new  plant  is  too  close  to  the  city  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  larger  proportion 
of  the  population  we  have  under  consideration. 

COST 
After  the  initial  outlay  for  a  site  and  the  plant  needed  for  beginning  oper- 
ations much  of  the  work  of  construction  and  other  work  incident  to  running 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  113 

the  institution  can  be  done  by  the  residents,  which  is  the  rule  in  institutions 
of  the  sort  we  are  contemplating.  On  the  basis  of  a  populaton  of  500  on  a 
farm  of  600  acres,  the  gross  cost  of  maintenance  would  amount  to  approxi- 
mately 50  cents  a  day  for  each  inhabitant,  and  this  figure,  according  to  the 
experience  of  West  Virginia,  Arkansas  and  Texas,  could  be  further  reduced  as 
the  farm  becomes  productive. 

What  has  been  said  here  relating  to  the  cost  of  farm  colonies  would  apply 
equally  well  to  colonies  for  adults,  which  are  recommended  in  another  section 
of  this  report. 

The  work-house  for  the  District  of  Columbia  at  Occoquan,  Virginia,  pro- 
vides for  a  population  of  about  6,500  different  men  and  women  in  the  course 
of  a  year.  The  average  daily  population  is  approximately  720  officers  and 
prisoners.  The  value  of  buildings  and  equipment  is  estimated  at  $657,847.00. 
The  net  cost  of  maintenance  is  $0.48  a  day  for  each  person.  Leaving  the  cost 
of  the  site  out  of  account,  we  believe  that  the  maintenance  cost  of  a  farm 
colony  in  Illinois  should  be  comparable  with  the  cost  of  a  similar  institution 
in  Virginia. 

B 

THE  EFFECTIVENESS  OF  JUVENILE  COURT  PROCEDURE 

CONSIDERED  IN  RELATION  TO  CERTAIN 

GROUPS  OF  OFFENDERS 

In  this  section  of  our  report  we  are  fundamentally  interested  again  in  the 
prevention  of  the  development  of  criminals.  Whether  the  function  of  the 
Juvenile  Court  is  to  facilitate  the  reformation  of  the  boy  or  girl  delinquent,  or 
to  protect  the  community  from  his  depredations,  or  whether  these  are  both 
equally  the  functions  of  the  court,  is  of  little  moment  here.  In  any  case,  the 
court,  through  the  agencies  at  its  command,  must  exercise  control  over  its 
wards.  In  this  labor  of  control  the  court  is  aided  by  the  Juvenile  Psycho- 
pathic Institute,  the  probation  officers,  and  the  institutions  to  which  commit- 
ment is  made.  A  study  of  the  history  of  juvenile  delinquents,  therefore,  sub- 
sequent to  their  disposition  by  the  court,  ought  to  afiford  a  test  of  the 
effectiveness  of  that  control — or  of  one  or  more  agencies  through  which  con- 
trol is  exercised.  Such  a  study,  therefore,  might  be  expected  to  uncover 
points  of  weakness,  if  there  are  any,  and  to  suggest  remedies. 

With  this  idea  in  mind,  we  have  undertaken  to  trace  out  the  history  of 
each  individual  in  two  groups  of  juvenile  delinquents,  all  of  whom  have  had 
their  mental  and  physical  conditions  diagnosed  in  the  Chicago  Juvenile  Psycho- 
pathic Institute,  an  arm  of  the  Juvenile  Court.  In  one  group  are  55  boys 
and  girls  who  were  declared  after  examination  to  be  mentally  normal.  In  the 
other  group  or  61,  all  of  whom  were  diagnosed  as  subnormal.  The  cases  in 
each  of  these  groups  were  taken  in  their  chronological  order  as  they  appear 
on  the  records  of  the  Psychopathic  Institute,  beginning  with  January  1,  1910. 
We  have  made  an  analysis  of  the  histories  of  individuals  in  these  groups 
respectively,  subsequent  to  their  trea.tment  by  the  court. 

As  the  tabulations  on  succeeding  pages  are  reviewed,  it  will  be  apparent 
that  considerable  attention  has  been  given  to  the  recommendations  by  the 
Psychopathic  Institute,  following  diagnoses,  for  disposition  of  the  subnormal 
cases.  In  many  cases  the  recommendations  were  not  followed,  and  the  his- 
tories of  these  cases  make  a  fruitful  study  as  compared  with  others.  In  still 
other  cases  the  recommendations  were  followed,  but  the  parents  or  the  rela- 
tives of  the  children  affected,  exercising  their  legal  right,  after  a  too  brief 
period  removed  the  child  from  the  institution  to  which  commitment  had  been 
made.  In  general  we  may  say  here,  in  anticipation  of  closer  study,  that  as  far 
as  our  cases  give  proof,  the  control  of  subnormal  children  by  their  parents, 
when  that  power  of  control  is  exercised  to  remove  the  children  from  institu- 
tions to  which  they  have  been  committed,  is  not  conducive  to  the  good  either 
of  the  children  or  of  the  community. 

THE  NORMAL  GROUP 

First  we  turn  attention  to  the  mentally  normal  group,  and  we  have  in 
Tables  I  and  II  the  distribution  of  this  group  as  to  age  and  sex  respectively. 
The  ages  of  the  cases  were  taken  at  the  time  of  diagnosis.  It  will  be  observed 
that  one-half  of  them  are  aged  sixteen  and  seventeen  years. 


114  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

TABLE  I 

SUMMARY  OF  NORMAL  CASES 

Total  number  of  cases,  55. 

Ages  of  the  cases. 

Years.  No.  Cases.  ** 

6  2 

7   1 

8  1 

9   3 

10  12 

12  4 

13  5 

14  4 

15  7 

16  13 

17  10 

18   1 

19  1 

Not  given    1 

Total    55 

TABLE    II 
Sex  of  the  cases. 

Female    22  '   . 

Male     33 

Total 55 

In  Tables  III  and  IV  respectively  we  have  the  charges  on  which  our 
normal  cases  were  brought  to  court  and  statistics  relating  to  their  institutional 
history  prior  to  their  court  appearance.  Only  a  total  of  eleven  had  had  any 
institutional  history  prior  to  the  Juvenile  Court  incident. 

TABLE  III 
Court  Charges. 

(Some  were  charged  with  more  than  one  ofifense) 
Males.                                                              Females. 

Stealing     19  Sex  delinquency '. 8 

Running  away 9  Stealing   4 

Truancy  5  Shop-lifting    2 

Bad   sex  practices 3  Lying  2 

Petty  thievery 2  Bad   sex  practices 2 

Burglary    2  Running    away 2 

Mistreating  mother 2  Prostitution    

Dependency    2  Drinking 

Loafing    2  Flirting    

Stabbing    fellow 2  Impudent  to  parents 

Hold-up   1  Attempted   suicide 

Sex  delinquency 1  Truancy     

Vagrancy     1  Incorrigibility    

Wanderlust    1 

Breaking  windows 1 

Lying   1 

Picking   pockets 1 

General   incorrigibility 1 

Minor  in  saloon 1 

TABLE    IV 
Institutional  history  prior  to  this  court  appearance. 

Parental    School    4  cases 

John    Worthy    School 3       " 

St.    Charles    School 1       " 

House    of    Correction 1       " 

Reform    School    2      " 

Total    11       " 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  115. 

TABLE  VII.  NORMAL  CASES. 
Showing  causal  factors  in  delinquency  as  determined  by  the  Psychopathic 
Institute  and  also  the  cases  in  which  recommendation  was  made  by  the  Institute, 
and  whether  the  recommendation  was  followed  or  not  (see  note)  ;  showing  also 
under  the  headings  "Making  Good,"  etc.,  the  development  subsequent  to  Juvenile 
Court  action  (see  note). 

Num-           Cause  of  Delinquency.     r-The  Remedy.-^    Mak-       No           De- 
bar of          Phys-               Environ-    Recom-    Dispo-      mg  ^    Prog-       teno- 
Case  ical.    Mental,  mental,  mendation.  sition.     ^    - '""" 

1...' X  N.R.    P. 

2 X    X     F. 

3 X    X     F. 

4 X    X     F. 

5 X  X     p 

6 X  X  NF. 

7  ..X  N.R.    P. 

8.'.'.'.'.'.     '   X    X  X  NF. 

9  ..X  N.R.    P. 

lo::::::  '.:..; x      x     nj^. 

11 X  X  F. 

12 X  X  F 

13 X    X  N.F. 

14 X  X  F. 

15 X  X  F. 

16 X  X  F. 

17 X    X  D. 

18 X    X  Ji, 

19 X  X  NF. 

20 X  X  F. 

21 X    X  X  F. 

22 X  X  F. 

23 X 


Good. 

ress. 
X 

ration. 

Lost. 
X 

X 

X 

X 
X 

X 

X 

"x 

X 

"x" 

X 

X 

X 

X 

x" 
"x" 

X 

"x" 
"x" 
"x 

X 

X     X    N.F X 


24::::::    x    5      f      x 

25 X    .X     F.     X 


X    N.R X 


X    N.R.    G.    X(?) 

44::::::  ::-::: x      x      f-     x 


45 X   X 


46::::::    x    x      x     j-     x 


27::::::  X  X  F.  X 

28 ^  5  F  ^           X       ■ 

S:::::: x  n.r.  p.      x    ^• 

31 X  X  N.R.  P.   ••;. X 

32 X  X  F.     X    •• 

7-i                                 ...  X  X  F.   X    

S v"  ..   ...  N.R.  J.W.S.  X    

35::::::    X    ::::::  x  n.r.  p.    x    ^. 

36 X  X  F.   ..^ X 

37 X    X     X  F^    X    

38 X  X  NJ-.    X    

39 X  X     X  F.     X    •■•• 

40 X     X  F.   ..^..    X    

41 X     X  F.     X    ..-• 

42 X    X  ,X  F  ....    X 


F.   X 


X     X    N.F X 


40 X    '""::  X  X      F.     X    

-49 .. ...  :   :.  X  X     N.F X    

50.:::::  x  n^r.     p.     x    ^■ 

51      X  X     F.   X 

52::::::    X    ^  I-  ^  v 

53 g  X  F    ::::::  ..''...  ::::::  "x- 

::::::    x-  .. ...  x     n.f x 


54.. 
55.. 


116  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

Note. — R.  indicates  recommendation ;  N.  R.,  no  recommendation ;  F.,  recom- 
mendation was  followed;  N.  F.,  recommendation  was  not  followed;  D.,  doubtful 
whether  recommendation  was  followed;  P.,  probationed ;  G.,  Geneva. 

Table  VII  shows:  (1)  The  cause  of  delinquency  among  normal  cases  to 
be  predominantly  environmental.  (2)  Recommendations  were  followed  in  60 
per  cent  of  the  cases.  Not  followed  in  18  per  cent  of  the  cases.  No  recom- 
mendation was  made  in  18  per  cent  of  the  cases.  In  4  per  cent  of  the  cases 
we  could  not  tell  whether  the  recommendation  had  been  followed  or  not. 

TABLE  V. 
Summary   of   Physical   Diagnosis. 

Excellent    condition     5 

Excellent   condition    with    exception 2 

Good    condition     8 

Good    condition    with    exception 15 

Poor    condition    16 

Very    poor    condition 1 

Disorders   of  vital   organs 4 

Infected   (otherwise   O.   K.) 4 

Total     55 

TABLE  VI. 
Summary  of  Mental   Diagnosis. 

Good   average    ability 49 

Good    ability    with    exception 6 

Total     55 

A  glance  at  Tables  V  and  VI  suffices  to  indicate  that  the  group  we  are 
considering  here  is,  on  the  whole,  mentally  of  good  average  ability,  and  that 
considerably  more  than  one-half  of  them  are  in  good  physical  condition. 
TABLE  VIII.  TABLE  IX. 

Development  of  55  Normal  Cases.  Recommendation  Followed. 

Making  good    26  47.3%       Making  good    19  55.9% 

No  progress    8  14.5%       No  progress    6  17.6% 

Deterioration     5  9.1%       Deterioration     3  8.8% 

Lost     16  29.1%      Lost   3  17.7% 


Total    55  100.%  Total     34  100.0% 

TABLE  X.  TABLE  XL 

Recommendation   Not  Followed.  Recommendation    Not    Made. 

Making    good    3  30%  Making  good   3  33J^% 

No    progress    2  20%  No    progress    1  11.1% 

Lost     5  50%  Deterioration      2  22.2% 

—  Lost    3  331/3% 

Total    10  100%  —  

Total     9  100% 

In  tables  VIII,  IX,  X  and  XI  we  have  set  forth  in  statistical  form  the 
developmental  history  of  these  normal  cases  subsequent  to  their  treatment  by 
the  Juvenile  Court.  It  shows  that,  on  the  whole,  47.3  per  cent  of  the  whole 
group  are  "making  ,good."  We  use  this  phrase  to  describe  the  youth  who  is 
working  for  his  own  support,  or  to  assist  in  supporting  others,  and  who  is 
at  least  not  a  nuisance  in  his  community.  He  is  keeping  out  of  trouble  with 
the  public  authorities.  On  the  whole,  again,  there  are  14.5  per  cent  of  this 
group  who  are  making  "no  progress"  toward  self-support  and  who,  while  not 
actually  coming  into  conflict  with  public  authority,  are  nevertheless  somewhat 
doubtful  characters.  Of  the  same  group  9.1  per  cent  have  deteriorated  in 
both  of  these  respects  and  29.1  per  cent  have  been  lost.  In  tables  IX,  X 
and  XI  we  summarize  the  history  of  the  normal  group  under  three  heads  to 
set  forth  the  results  of  following  or  not  following  the  recommendations  of  the 
Psychopathic  Institute,  and  finaly  the  results  in  those  cases  in  which  no  rec- 
ommendation whatever  was  made.  Of  course,  our  figures  are  too  small  to 
afford  a  first  rate  basis  for  statistics,  but  as  far  as  they  go  they  indicate  a 
decided  advantage  on  the  side  of  following  the  recommendations  of  the 
Psychopathic   Institute.     The   basis   for   this   statement  is   found   in   the  per- 


116  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

Note. — R.  indicates  recommendation ;  N.  R.,  no  recommendation ;  P.,  recom- 
mendation was  followed;  N.  F.,  recommendation  was  not  followed;  D.,  doubtful 
whether  recommendation  was  followed ;  P.,  probationed ;  G.,  Geneva. 

Table  VII  shows:  (1)  The  cause  of  delinquency  among  normal  cases  to 
be  predominantly  environmental.  (2)  Recommendations  were  followed  in  60 
per  cent  of  the  cases.  Not  followed  in  18  per  cent  of  the  cases.  No  recom- 
mendation was  made  in  18  per  cent  of  the  cases.  In  4  per  cent  of  the  cases 
we  could  not  tell  whether  the  recommendation  had  been  followed  or  not. 

TABLE  V. 
Summary   of   Physical   Diagnosis. 

Excellent    condition     5 

Excellent    condition    with    exception 2 

Good    condition     8 

Good    condition    with    exception 15 

Poor    condition    16 

Very    poor    condition 1 

Disorders  of  vital   organs 4 

Infected   (otherwise   O.   K.) 4 

Total     55 

TABLE  VI. 
Summary  of  Mental   Diagnosis. 

Good   average    ability 49 

Good    ability    with    exception 6 

Total      55 

A  glance  at  Tables  V  and  VI  suffices  to  indicate  that  the  group  we  are 
considering  here  is,  on  the  whole,  mentally  of  good  average  ability,  and  that 
considerably  more  than  one-half  of  them  are  in  good  physical  condition. 
TABLE  VIII.  TABLE  IX. 

Development  of  55  Normal  Cases.  Recommendation  Followed. 

Making  good    26  47.3%       Making  good    19  55.9% 

No  progress    8  14.5%       No  progress    6  17.6% 

Deterioration     5  9.1%       Deterioration     3  8.8% 

Lost     16  29.1%      Lost    3  17.7% 


Total    55  100.%  Total     34  100.0% 

TABLE  X.  TABLE  XI. 

Recommendation   Not  Followed.  Recommendation    Not    Made. 

Making    good    3  30%  Making  good   3  33^% 

No    progress    2  20%  No    progress    1  11.1% 

Lost    5  50%  Deterioration     2  22.2% 

—  Lost    3  33^% 

Total    10  100%  —  

Total     9  100% 

In  tables  VIII,  IX,  X  and  XI  we  have  set  forth  in  statistical  form  the 
developmental  history  of  these  normal  cases  subsequent  to  their  treatment  by 
the  Juvenile  Court.  It  shows  that,  on  the  whole,  47.3  per  cent  of  the  whole 
group  are  "making  ,good."  We  use  this  phrase  to  describe  the  youth  who  is 
working  for  his  own  support,  or  to  assist  in  supporting  others,  and  who  is 
at  least  not  a  nuisance  in  his  community.  He  is  keeping  out  of  trouble  with 
the  public  authorities.  On  the  whole,  again,  there  are  14.5  per  cent  of  this 
group  who  are  making  "no  progress"  toward  self-support  and  who,  while  not 
actually  coming  into  conflict  with  public  authority,  are  nevertheless  somewhat 
doubtful  characters.  Of  the  same  group  9.1  per  cent  have  deteriorated  in 
both  of  these  respects  and  29.1  per  cent  have  been  lost.  In  tables  IX,  X 
and  XI  we  summarize  the  history  of  the  normal  group  under  three  heads  to 
set  forth  the  results  of  following  or  not  following  the  recommendations  of  the 
Psychopathic  Institute,  and  finaly  the  results  in  those  cases  in  which  no  rec- 
ommendation whatever  was  made.  Of  course,  our  figures  are  too  small  to 
afiFord  a  first  rate  basis  for  statistics,  but  as  far  as  they  go  they  indicate  a 
decided  advantage  on  the  side  of  following  the  recommendations  of  the 
Psychopathic   Institute.     The   basis   for   this   statement   is   found   in   the  per- 


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"  ?Q,  5^=    8  5 


r  rr  r  rp 
|Sr  rr  r  r^||i- 
xx    Mlf 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  .     117 

centages  opposite.     The  basis  for  this  statement  is  found  in  the  percentages 
opposite  "making  good"  and  "lost"  respectively  in  the  tables. 

By  comparing  the  case  numbers  in  Tables  XII  and  XIII  respectively 
with  those  in  Table  VII  we  are  able  at  a  glance  to  associate  the  present 
status  of  each  case  with  other  data  that  has  been  presented. 

TABLE   XII.     DISTRIBUTION    OF   CASES    ON    BASIS   OF 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 

A.  Recommendation  was  followed: 

1.  Making  good:     Cases  3,  4,  8,   12,   14,   15,  23,  26,  27,  29,  30,  36,  41,  44, 

46,  49,  51,  55,  59. 

2.  No  progress:     Cases  2,  18,  20,  45,  60. 

3.  Deterioration:     Cases  16,  Zl . 

4.  Lost:     Cases  11,  22,  40,  50,  58,  61. 

B.  Recommendation  not  followed: 

1.  Making  good:     Cases  10,  13,  43. 

2.  No  progress:     Cases  47,  57. 

3.  Deterioration:     Cases  31. 

4.  Lost:     Cases  6,  19,  35,  54,  62. 

C.  No  recommendation: 

1.  Making  good:     Cases  7,  ZZ,  48,  57. 

2.  No  progress:     Case  39. 

3.  Deterioration:     Cases  9,  38. 

4.  Lost:     Cases  1,  28,  34. 

D.  Cannot  tell  whether  recommendation  was  followed: 
a.     Unable  to  trace  boy:     Cases  5,  17. 

TABLE    XIII.      PRESENT    STATUS    OF    NORMAL    CASES. 

No.  of 

Returned  home— making  good:  4,  7,  8,   10,  12,   13,  14,  15,  23,  27,  29,  30,  33, 

36,  41,  46,  49,  51,  55,  57,  59 21 

Returned  home — no  progress:  2,   18,  20,  47,  60 5 

Returned    home — deterioration:    16,   31,   37 3 

In   an   institution — making   good:   43 1 

In  an  institution — no  progress:   39,  45,   56 3 

In  an  institution — deterioration:  9,  38 2 

Married — making  good :  26,  44,  48 3 

Married — no   report:    1,   34 2 

Living  with  relative — making  good :   3 1 

Departed  to   Europe :  62 1 

Lost:  5,  11,  17,  19,  22,  25,  28,  40,  50,  61,  6,  54,  58 13 

Total    55 

THE  SUBNORMAL  GROUP 

Now  we  come  to  a  discussion  of  the  group  of  61  subnormal  cases.  In 
Table  XIV  we  have  displayed,  in  addition  to  the  age  and  sex  of  each  child, 
the  charge  on  which  he  was  brought  to  court.  Furthermore,  there  is  set  forth 
here  a  group  of  causal  factors:  viz.,  physical,  mental  and  environmental  factors. 
The  legend  "F.  M."  indicates  feeble-minded.  In  each  case  the  record  has  been 
copied  from  the  cards  in  the  Juvenile  Phychopathic   Institute. 

In  Table  XIV  we  have  also  set  forth  the  recommendation  that  the 
Psvchopathic  Institute  made  in  each  of  the  sixty-one  cases.  The  sign  "L" 
indicates  that  the  recommendation  was  that  the  subject  should  be  sent  to  the 
Lincoln  State  School  and  Colony  for  Feeble-Minded.  In  case  56  the  recom- 
mendation was  that  the  child  be  sent  to  Geneva.  In  a  few  other  cases,  as  in 
6  and  7,  no  recommendation  was  made. 

In  the  next  place,  the  table  shows  the  remedy  that  was  applied  to  each 
case,  or  the  disposition  that  was  made  of  it.  Thus  the  sign  "L"  indicates 
that  the  case  was  disposed  of  by  sending  it  to  Lincoln;  J.  W.  S.  indicates 
that  the  subject  was  sent  to  the  John  Worthy  School;  N.  F.  indicates  that 
the  recommendation  in  the  particular  case  was  not  followed.  In  a  few  cases 
the  sign  "F"  is  used  to  indicate  that  the  recommendation,  whatever  it  was  in 
the  particular  case,  was  followed.  In  the  remaining  columns  of  the  table  we 
have  tried  to  show  what  was  the  effect  of  the  treatment  in  each  instance.. 
Each  case  is  making  good,  in  the  sense  described  earlier  in  this  section;  he 


118 


REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 


is  at  a  standstill,  is  deteriorating  or  he  has  been  lost.  Thus  we  have  in  this 
table  a  basis  for  estimating  the  importance  to  the  individual  and  to  the  com- 
munity following  or  failing  to  follow  the  recommendations  of  the  Juvenile 
Psychopathic  Institute. 

Upon  the  special  study  of  the  subsequent  history  of  those  who,  on  recom- 
mendation of  the  institute,  were  sent  to  Lincoln,  we  enter  in  Table  XVI.  Here 
we  have  a  study  of  the  35  cases  among  the  61  that  were  sent  to  Lincoln.  We 
see  the  length  of  time  during  which  they  have  remained  in  the  institution,  their 
disposition  on  release  (applying,  of  course,  only  to  those  who  are  no  longer 
in  the  institution),  and  the  date  at  which  they  left  the  place. 

The  summary  of  this  table  shows  that  but  fifteen  of  the  original  thirty- 
five  subnormal  cases  that  were  sent  to  Lincoln  are  still  in  that  institution. 
The  remaining  twenty  have  been  released  at  the  request  of  parents  or  other 
relatives,  have  run  away,   or  have  been  dischargd. 


TABLE  XV. 
SPECIAL  STUDY  OF  35  LINCOLN  CASES. 


Case 

No.     Age. 

Case 

No.     Age. 


1 
2 

3 
4 
5 
8 
9 
10 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 

23 

25 
26 
21 

29 
30 

Z2 
Z7 
38 
39 
40 

44 
49 
50 

52 
53 

55 

60 
62 
64 
65 


17 

12 

14 

8 

13 

8 

9 

16 

17 
16 
25 
15 
14 
13 

12 
13 
13 
13 

12 
14 

12 

15 
11 
12 
15 

12 
14 
14 
13 
8 
18 

12 
13 
15 
17 


Length  of  time 
Sex.      in  Lincoln. 

Length  of  time 
Sex.  in  Lincohi. 
M.  4^  years 
M.  3  K  years 
F.  3^  years 
F.  1  ,i  years 
F.  41/2  years 
AI.  214  years 
F.  2^  years 
M.        4^  years 


F. 
M. 
M. 
M. 
M. 
M. 

M. 

M. 
M. 
F. 

F. 
M. 

M. 

F. 
M. 

F. 
M. 

M. 

M. 
M. 
F. 
M. 
F. 

F. 
M. 
F. 

M. 


lYi  years 

4     years 

3j^  years 

]/(,  year 

1  %  years 
2^4  years 

Z^/i  years 
2-/i  years 
ZYi  years 

2  years 

1^  years 
(?) 

1^2  year 
3^(3  years 

y^  year 
\y^  years 

J4  year 

1 5/2  years 
54  year 
2  years 
2^4  years 
2J4  years 
Yz  year 

\Y2  years 
1^  years 
1      year 
Y2  year 


Cause  of  Leaving.  Time  of  Leaving. 

Cause  of  Leaving.  Time  of  Leaving. 

Released   to   mother October  30,   1914. 

(Still  there)    

Paroled  to  aunt August,  1913. 

Paroled  to  foster  mother December  19,  1911. 

(Still  there) 

(Still  there)    

Discharged April  16,  1913. 

Released     to     sister     to     fulfill 

promise  to  dying  mohter Spring,  1912. 

(Still  there)    

(Still  there)    

(Still  there)    

Request  of  parents February  3,   1911. 

Released  to  parents March,  1912. 

Fahter    claims    doctor    said    boy 
was  mentally  capable November  13,  1913 

(Still  there) 

Ran  away  July  7,  1914. 

Mother's  request    June  23,  1913. 

Parents'    request ;    decided    they 

were   wasting   money June,  1913. 

Request  of  parents (?) 

Discharged    for    escaping    sev- 
eral times  (?) 

(Still  there) 

(Still   there) 

(Still  there) 

Request  of  married  sister July,  1913. 

Request  of  uncle  to  go  to  Rus- 
sia   May  8,  1912. 

(Still    there) 

Ran  away,  father's  request August  3,  1914. 

Ran  away  June  22,  1914. 

(Still   there) 

( Still   there) 

Mother  wanted  money,  wages  of 
girl  ; Spring,    1913. 

Parents'  request  December  4,   1913. 

(Still  there) 

(Still   there) 

Ran  away July  7,  1913. 


Total,  35  cases. 


Ages. 


Yrs. 
2 

No. 
3 

9 

1 

11 

1 

12 

7 

13 

7 

14 

3 

15 

4 

16 

2 

17 

4 

18 

1 

UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  119 

SUMMARY  OF  TABLE  XV. 

Time.  Final  Disposition 

Shortest  time  2 J^  months  and  Cause. 

Longest  time 4>4  years       Still  there  15 

Average  time   2 years       ^^"  ^^,^y   ,^ 

Parents    request   ....    10 

c  Relative's  request  ...  4 

, ,  ,                          ^'  -,^       Discharged    1 

•i^^^^^^s   z-  Doctor's  approval, 

Females  13  claimed  by  father. .  1 

Total 35  Total 35 

Total 35 

In  Table  XVI  we  have  tried  to  show  the  present  condition  of  the  thirty- 
five  cases  that  were  sent  to  Lincoln.  Three  of  these,  or  4.1  per  cent,  have 
been  lost.  Of  them  we  can  say  nothing  further.  Twenty-seven,  or  75.8  per 
cent  of  the  total,  are  either  gradually  deteriorating  or  are  no  more  able  to 
care  for  themselves  than  they  were  when  they  were  brought  to  the  Psycho- 
pathic Institute  for  examination.  Five,  or  14.3  per  cent  of  the  total,  are  re- 
ported as  making  good.  We  mean  by  the  phrase  "making  good"  that  each  of 
the  five  is  at  least  not  a  disturbing  element  in  his  community  and  that  he  is 
assisting  to  maintain  himself.  The  five  cases  are  Numbers  3,  4,  9,  21,  and  25. 
By  referring  to  Table  XVIII  it  will  be  seen  that  the  first  four  of  these  were 
paroled  or  discharged  to  friends  and  that  the  fifth  ran  away.  We  see  there, 
furthermore,  what  the  history  of  each  of  these  cases  has  been  since  he  left 
Lincoln.  In  this  connection  we  should  draw  attention  to  the  fact  that  case 
26  escaped  from  the  institution  as  late  as  July  7,  1914.  He  had  been  at  liberty 
therefore  hardly  more  than  three  months  when  the  data  on  which  this  report 
is  based  was  collected.  It  is  a  fair  question,  therefore,  whether  we  have  a 
sufficient  test  of  his  ability  to  adjust  himself. 

TABLE  XVI. 

SPECIAL    STUDY    OF    35    LINCOLN    CASES  SHOWING    DEGREE    OF 

ADJUSTMENT.     (Note.) 

Case                                                                          Making  No         Deterio- 

No.                                                                                  Good.  Progress,      ration.          Lost. 

1 X  

2 X  

3 X  

4 X  

5 X  


X 


9 X(?)         

10 X  

17 X  

18 X  

19 X  

20 X  

22 X 

24 X  

25 X  

26 X  

27 X  

29 X 

30 X 

32 X 

37 X  

38 X  

39 X 

40 X 

44 X  

49 X  

50 X 


120 


REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 


Case 
No. 

52... 
53... 
55... 
60. . . , 
62. . . 
64. . . , 
65.... 


Making 
Good. 


No         Deterio- 
Progress.     ration. 
X  


Lost. 


X 


X 
X 
X 


X 
X 


SUMMARY  OF  TABLE  XVI. 

Cases  making  good 5 

No  progress  17 

Deterioration 10 

Lost 3 


14.3% 

47    % 

28.6% 

7.1% 


Total 35      100    % 

We  now  turn  to  a  special  study  of  those  cases  who  have  been  released  from 
Lincoln  for  whatever  cause.  The  history  of  these  persons  subsequent  to  their 
release  should  in  itself  be  a  comment  upon  our  methods  of  handling  our  sub- 
normal population. 

TABLE  XVII. 

SPECIAL    STUDY    OF    RELEASED    AND    ESCAPED    LINCOLN    CASES, 

SHOWING    CAUSE    OF    LEAVING,    TIME    SPENT    IN    LINCOLN, 

DEGREE   OF  ADJUSTMENT,   AND   SUBSEQUENT   HISTORY. 


Case 

No.  Age.  Sex. 


1 
3 
4 

9 
17 
20 
21 
22 

25 
26 


21 
29 
30 


17 
14 


9 

17 
15 
14 
13 

13 
13 


17 
12 
14 


M. 
F. 
F. 

F. 

F. 
M. 
M. 
M. 

M. 
M. 


F. 
F. 
M. 


Cause  of  Leaving. 
Mother's   request... 

Aunt's  request   3J/4 

Foster    mother's    re- 
quest           \x\ 

Discharged 2^ 


Time  in 
Lincoln. 
4/2  yrs.  (3) 


/6 
1/6 


39     12     F. 


40 
49 
50 

55 

60 
65 


15 
14 
14 
18 

12 
17 


M. 

M. 
F. 

F. 
M. 


Sister's   request 
Parent's    request.  .  .  . 
Parent's    request. . . . 
Father's  request,  doc- 
tor's O.  K 

Ran  away    2^^ 

Mother's  request,  de- 
cided      wasting 

money 2 

Parents'    request....   2i/2 
Parents'    request....    1/ 
Discharged  after  es- 
caping three  times. 
Married    sister's    re- 

ques 1^ 

Uncle's  request   ....    1/ 
Father's    request....     ^ 

Ran   away    2 

M  o  t  h  e  r's    request ; 

wanted  girl's  wages  / 
Parent's  request....  1/ 
Ran  away   y^ 


Time  of 
Admission. 
1908. 
April  12,  1910. 

Nov.  2,   1910. 
June,   1910. 
Dec.   16,    1910. 
Dec.   16,   1910. 
Jan.    18,    1911. 

Feb.  8,  1911. 
Nov.  21,  1911. 


May  9,   1911. 
May  9,   1911. 
(?) 


(?) 


(2) 


Oct., 
Dec. 


1911. 

6,  1911. 
April,  1912. 
May  8,  1912. 


Nov.  27,  1912. 
Nov.  27,  1912. 
Jan.  22,  1913. 


Time  of 

Leaving. 
Oct.  30,  1913  (last) 
August,  1913. 

Dec.   19,   1911. 
April  16,  1913. 
Spring,   1912. 
Feb.  3,    1911. 
March  21,  1912. 

Nov.  13,  1913. 
July  7,  1914. 


June  23,  1913. 
June,  1914. 
(?) 

(?) 

July,    1913. 
May  8,  1912. 
August  3,  1914. 
June  22,   1914. 

Spring,  1913. 
Dec.  4,  1913. 
July  7,  1913. 


SPECIAL  STUDY  OF  RELEASED  AND  ESCAPED  LINCOLN  CASES. 
No.  M.G.    N.P.      D.         L.  Subsequent  History. 

Case 


1 


X 


X 
X 


Worked  in  piano  factory ;  $7.00  per  week.  Whenever 
he  worked  he  was  likely  to  remain  away  from  home 
till  his  pay  was  gone.  Mother  preparing  to  open 
lunch  room  for  him. 

Flas  job  in  printing  shop  at  $5.00  a  week;  has  held 
htis  position  over  a  year. 

At  home  found  her  unmanageable ;  in  court  February, 
1912 ;  committed  to  Illinois  Technical  School ;  still 
there ;  making  good. 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  121 

No.  M.G.  N.P.     D.        L.  Subsequent  History 

Case 

9       X       Public  school,  4th  grade ;  promoted  to  5th.     Trouble 

with  parents.     Sent  to  an  orphanage;  has  been  there 
5  weeks ;  making  good. 

^'^     X       At  sister's  home;  troublesome;  implied  immorality. 

Married  Sept.,  1913;  lives  in  doubtful  neighbor- 
hood. 

20     X       Could    not    locate. 

21  X       There  has  been  no  difficulty  with  him  since  that  time. 

22     X        Worked    part    time ;    too    lazy    to    succeed.      Chooses 

small  children  as  playmates.     Left  home  to  Tennes- 
see, May,  1914,  to  October.     Has  not  worked. 

25  X       No  room  at  home ;  lives  with  aunt ;  earns  $7.50  a  week 

26     X       At   home.      Missouri    farm.      Picked    up   January    14, 

1914,  as  half  starved  by  another  boy.     Taken  to  De- 
tention Home  and  then  sent  home. 

27     X        Worked  as  domestic  servant  till  July,  1914;  now  wears 

good  clothes,  but   refuses  to   say  where   she  works. 

29     X       •  •  •  •     Home ;    runs    away    to    places    unknown ;    has    been 

picked  up  several  times ;  probationed  to  parents  not 
to  be  sent  to  work. 

30     X       •  •  ■  •     Has    no   tfound    work    since    return ;    has    been    in    a 

couple  of  thefts  since.     Still  looking  for  work.  (?) 

Could  not  locate   family. 

May  8,  1912.  Uncle  said  he  wanted  to  return  the  boy 
to  Russia.     Unable  ot  locate  either. 

Has  not  worked  since  his  return;  still  aimlessly  look- 
ing for  work. 

Reported  working  at  $6.00  a  week.     Not  located. 

Has  had  practically  no  work  since  her  return ;  mother 
had  her  sent  to  House  of  Correction  for  disorderly 
conduct.     Will  be  released  February,  1915. 

Home  until  May  13,  1914.  Nickel  show  fiend.  Mother 
could  not  control  her;  returned  to  Lincoln. 

Home  with  bad  companions.  August,  1914,  arrested 
for  larceny.  Studied  by  Dr.  Healy;  sent  to  Deten- 
tion Hospital.    Diagnosed  as  an  idot.    At  Kankakee. 

SUMMARY  OF  TABLE  XVII. 
XVIII.     Cause  of  Leaving.  XIX.     Time  in  Lincoln. 

Parents'  request   11         55%  Shortest  time  2^  months 

Relatives'  request  4        20%  Longest  time   4^  years 

Ran  away  4        20%  Average  time   1  7/12  years 

Discharged    1  5% 

Total 20      100% 

XX.    Time  of  Admission.  XXI.     Time  of  Leaving. 

First    April   12,  1910  F'^st  February  3,  1911 

Last    January  22,  1913  Last   July  7,  1914 

XXII.    Ages.  XXIII.     Sex. 

years 1  case  Males    11 


39  ... 

40  ... 

X 
X 

49     ... 

X 

50     ... 

55     ... 

.'     x' 

X 

60     ... 

.       X 

65     ... 

X 

Females     9 

XXIV. 

School  age   8        40% 

Over  school  age 12        60% 

XXV.    Showing  Degree  of  Adjustment. 

Making  good  5  25% 

No  progress  6  30% 

Deterioration    6  30% 

Sixty  per  cent  of  these  cases  are  at       Lost 3  15% 

a  standstill  or  are  deteriorating.  

Total 20  100% 


9  "  1 

12  "  3 

13  "  3 

14  "  5 

15  "  2 

17  "  4 

18  "  1 


Total 20  cas 


122 


REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 


In  Table  XXVI  we  show  the  history  of  those  who  were  released  from 
Lincohi  at  the  request  of  parents  and  other  friends.  Of  these  there  are  fifteen, 
as  shown  in  Table  XIX.  Of  this  number  five  have  been  lost.  But  four  are 
reported  as  making  ,good.  The  remaining  six  are  either  at  a  standstill  or 
actually  deteriorating. 

TABLE  XXVI.     SUBSEQUENT  HISTORY  OF  THE  FIFTEEN  CASES 
RELEASED    BY    REQUEST. 


Parent's   Requests. 
Case  No.  M'.G.     N.P. 

1  X 

X 


4 
20 
21 
22 
26 
27 
29 
49 
55 
60 


X 


X 


X 
X 


X 


D. 


X 


X 
X 


X 


Relative's   Requests. 
Case  No.  M'.G.     N.P.     D 

3     X 

17     X 

39     X 

40     X 

Made    good    1  25% 

No   progress    1  25% 

Lost    2  50% 


Made    good 2 

No    progress 5 

Deterioration    3 

Lost      1 


Combined   Requests. 

Making   Good    3  20% 

No   progress    6  40% 

Deterioration     3  20% 

Lost    3  20% 


18.2% 

45.6% 

27.3% 

9.1% 

It  will  be  seen  by  comparing  previous  tables  that  the  three  released  to 
parents  and  other  relatives,  and  reported  as  lost,  are  the  only  ones  among  the 
entire  35   Lincoln  cases  who  have  been  lost. 

The  phrases  quoted  below  from  case  histories  of  those  designated  in 
the  above  table  show  in  brief  space  what  kind  of  individuals  these  are 
who  have  been  released  to  parents  and  other  relatives.  Case  1. — When  he  has 
money  he  stays  away  from  home  until  it  is  spent.  Case  4. — Unmanageable  at 
home.  Sent  away.  Case  20. — Lost.  Case  21. — Conduct  satisfactory.  Case 
22. — Vagrant.  Case  26. — Ward  of  the  court.  Case  27. — Refuses  to  say  where 
slie  works.  Case  29. — Vogrant.  Case  49. — Not  working.  Case  55. — In  House 
of  Correction;  disorderly  conduct.  Case  60. — Nickel  show  fiend.  Case  3. — 
Satisfactory.     Case   17. — Immoral.     Case  29. — Lost.     Case  40. — Lost. 

This  is  anything  but  a  good  showing  for  the  practice  of  release  from  Lin- 
coln at  the  solicitation  of  friends. 

Table  XXVII  follows  in  which  we  have  brought  together  those  of  the  20 
released  and  escaped  Lincoln  cases  who  are  making  good,  who  are  making 
no  progress,  who  are  deteriorating,  and  who  have  been  lost  respectively.  We 
show  in  these  groupings,  once  more,  the  physical  and  mental  diagnoses,  the 
environment  through  which  each  case  grew  up,  and  his  history  subsequent 
to  his  Juvenile  Court  appearance.  This  gives  opportunity  easily  to  compare 
one  of  these  groups  with  another  in  point  of  mental  and  physical  condition, 
environment  and  subsequent  history.  All  are  alike  in  point  of  feeble-minded- 
ness.  As  to  physical  condition  and  environmental  conditions  the  "deteriora- 
tion" cases  appear  at  a  distinct  disadvantage  in  comparison  with  the  other 
groups. 

XXVII.      SPECIAL    STUDY    OF    TWENTY    RELEASED    AND    ESCAPED 

LINCOLN  CASES. 
Comparison  of  Groups  With  Reference  to  Diagnosis. 

Making  Good 

Cases.  Physical  Diagnosis.  Mental  Diagnosis. 

3  Poorly   nourished    F.  M. 

4  Fair   condition    F.  M. 

9  Fair  condition    F.  M. 

21  General    condition    good.      Defective    hearing    and 

speech    F.  M.,  dull  from 

physical  cause. 
25  Development  and  nutrition  poor F.  M. 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME 


123 


No  Progress 
Cases. 

1  O.  K.,  but  speech  defective F.  M. 

17  O.   K,.  development  and  nutrition  poor F.  M. 

26  O.  K F.  M. 

27  O.  K .•■••■.•.■ F-  M. 

55  Strong  and  healtliy.     Defective  vision F.  M. 

60  Well  at  present.    Has  had  mony  illnesses.    Enuresis.  F.  M. 

Deterioration 
Cases. 

22  O.  K.,  except  enuresis F.  M. 

29  Development  poor;   nutrition   fair;   color   fair;    epi- 

leptic   F.  M. 

30  Development  poor  ;  nutrition  poor F.  M. 

49  Fairly  good  condition,  except  enlarged  tonsils F.  M. 

50  Development  and  nutrition  poor;   defective  vision..  F.  M. 
65               Development  and  nutrition  fair F.  M. 

Lost  Cases. 

20  Development   and   nutrition    fair;    poorly   developed 

chest ;   suspected   epilepsy F.  M. 

39  Undersized  ;  very  nervous F.  M. 

40  Developmen     tand     nutrition     O.     K. ;     backward 

puberty ;   possible   epilepsy F.    M.,     or     else 

psychosis,      or 
else  dull  from 
epilepsy. 
Making  Good 

Cases.  Environment.  Subsequent  History. 

3  Very   bad.      Father   alcoholic.       Has  job  in  printing  shop  at  $5  a  week. 

Mother   dead. 

4  Adopted  by  good  people,  with       Found  her  unmanageable  at  home.     In 

a  good  home.  court  February,  1912.     Sent  to  Illinois 

Technical  School.     tSill  htere.     Mak- 
ing good. 
9        Very    poor,    but    respectable.       Public   school,   4th   grade ;   promoted   to 

Italians.    In  Chicago  5  years.  5th.     Trouble   with   parents.     Sent   to 

Bad  sanitary  condition.  an    orphanage.       Has     been    there    5 

weeks.     Making  good. 
21         Parents  poor,  but  respectable.       There  has  been  no  diculty  with  him. 

Mother  dead  3  years.  Father 

remarried. 

25  Mother  dead  7  years.     Father       No    room    at    home ;    lives    with    aunt. 

drinking.      Deserted.       Boy  Earns  $7.50  a  week   as   packer.     Still 

with   married   sister.  working. 

No  Progress 

Cases.  Environment.  Subsequent  History. 

1         Crowded   tenement   neighbor-       Worked    in    piano    factory    at    $7.50    a 
hood.  week.     Whenever  he  worked  he  was 

likely  to  remain  away  from  home  un- 
til his  pay  was  spent.    Mother  prepar- 
ing to  open  lunch  room  for  him. 
17         Poor,  but  good  neighborhood.       At   sister's   home.     Rather   troublesome. 
Good     parents.       Mother  Implied    immoral    relations.      Married 

"nags."  September,    1913.      Lives    in    doubtful 

neighborhood. 

26  Lived  in  very  poor  neighbor-       Home.     Missouri  farm.     Picked  up  Jan- 

hood,  uary    14   as    half    starved    by    another 

boy.  Ward  of  the  court.  Taken  to 
Detention  Home  and  then  sent  home. 

27  Poor,  but  respectable  parents.       Worked    as    domestic    servant   till   July, 

1914.  Now  wears  good  clothes,  but  re- 
fuses to  say  wher"  she  works.  Not 
heard  of  very  often.  Calls  by  tele- 
phone. 


124 


REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 


55 


60 


Very  poor  Polish  home,  no 
English.  Very  ignorant. 
Father  paralyzed. 


Very  large  family ;  all  said  to 
be  peculiar.     Decent  neigh- 
borhood. 
Deterioration 
Cases. 

22  Boy  is  illegitimate  child. 
Mother  drank  before  his 
birth.  Immoral.  Now  step- 
mother. 

29  Parents     poor,     but     decent. 

Large  family.  Poor  home 
control. 

30  Very    bad.      M.other    blind 

Father  old  and  worn  out  at 
time  of  boy's  birth.  Sister- 
in-law  drinks. 

49  Poor,  but  respectable  parents. 

Decent  neighborhood. 
Mother  over-indulgent. 

50  Very  bad.     Father  a  criminal. 

Aunt  immoral.  Unsanitary 
and  dilapidated  home. 

65  Mother  epileptic ;  not  strong. 
Father  drank  some.  Good 
neighborhood.  Well-mean- 
ing people. 


Has  had  practically  no  work  since  her 
return.  Mother  had  her  sent  to  House 
of  Correction  for  disorderly  conduct. 
Will  be  released  February,  1915. 

Home  until  May  13,  1914.  Nickel  show 
fiend.  Mother  could  not  control  her. 
Had  her  returned  to  Lincoln. 


Worked  part  time ;  too  lazy  to  succeed. 

Chooses  small  children  as  playmates. 

Left    home,    beat   way    to   Tennessee, 

May,  1914,  to  October,  1914.    Has  not 

worked  at  all. 
Runs    away    to    places    unknown.      Has 

been    picked    up    on    streets    several 

times.     Probationed  to  parents,  not  to 

be  sent  to  work. 
Has  not   found   work  since   his   return. 

Has  been  in  a  couple  of  thefts  since. 

Still  looking  for  work.  (?) 

Has  not  worked  since  his  return.  Still 
aimlessly  looking  for  work. 

Working,  according  to  brohter's  report, 
at  $6.00  a  week.  He  or  his  sister, 
with  whom  he  is  supposed  to  live,  not 
located. 

Home  with  bad  companions.  August, 
1914,  arrested  for  larceny.  Studied 
by  Dr.  Healy.  Sent  to  Detention 
Hospital,  thence  to  Kankakee.  Diag- 
nosed, idiot. 


Mother       Could  not  locate. 


Could  not  locate  the  family. 


May  3,  1912.  Uncle  said  he  wanted  to 
return  the  boy  to  Russia.  Unable  to 
locate  either. 


Lost  Cases. 

20         Fairly    good    home, 
ignorant. 

39  Early  environment  very  bad. 

Mother  erratic ;  married 
three  times. 

40  Little    known    of    early    en- 

vironment. Came  from  Rus- 
sia two  yeasr  ago.  Parents 
dead.     Lives  with  uncle. 

All  the  above  cases  are  feeble-minded.  Between  the  "making  good"  and 
the  "deterioration"  groups  one  cannot  find  in  the  diagnosis,  as  reported  here, 
any  great  differences.  In  the  "deterioration"  cases,  however,  the  environ- 
mental factor  is  described  as  distinctly  bad. 

SUBNORMAL   CASES  DISPOSED   OF   OTHERWISE  THAN   BY   A 
LINCOLN  COMMITMENT. 

In  Table  XXIX  we  summarize  the  data  relating  to  the  26  cases  who  were 
disposed  of  otherwise  than  by  sending  them  to  the  School  for  Feeble-minded 
at  Lincoln.  We  have  treated  this  data  exactly  as  that  pertaining  to  the  35 
Lincoln   cases. 

It  wnll  be  seen  that  cases  13,  16,  23,  35,  51,  58,  59,  and  67,  a  little  more 
tlian  a  third  of  the  total,  should  have  gone  to  Lincoln  had  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  Psychopathic  Institute  been  adopted.  With  three  exceptions  (16, 
23,  51)  they  were  allowed  to  return  to  their  homes. 

Let  us  see  the  subsequent  history  of  these  cases:  No.  13,  social  menace; 
No.  16,  missing  6  months;  No.  23,  arrested  four  times;  No.  35,  couple  of  bur- 
glaries; No.  51,  failing  in  school;  No.  58,  continual  stealing;  No.  59,  attacked 
teacher  with  knife;  No.  67,  incorrigible.  Six  of  this  total  of  26  have  been 
lost.  When  we  add  this  to  the  eight  who  are  incorrigible  we  have  a  distinctly 
had  report  of  those  cases  just  referred  to. 

We  also  find  almost  invariably  bad  reports  of  cases  14,  15,  28,  42,  47, 
56,  61,  and  63,  in  which  other  than  Lincoln  recommendations  were  made. 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME 


125 


XXVIII.     TWENTY-SIX    SUBNORMAL   CASES    DISPOSED    OF   OTHER- 
WISE THAN  BY  LINCOLN  COMMITMENT.     DIAGNOSIS 
AND  HISTORY. 


Case 

No. 

Age. 

Sex 

6 

13 

M. 

7 

16 

M. 

11 

18 

F. 

13 

13 

F. 

14 

19 

M. 

IS 

17 

F. 

16 

16 

M. 

23 

12 

M. 

28* 

7 

M. 

31 

12 

M. 

33 

16 

M. 

34 

50 

F. 

35 

6 

M. 

42* 

12 

M. 

47 

16 

M. 

48 

17 

M. 

51 

10 

F. 

54 

10 

M. 

56 

18 

F. 

58* 

13 

M. 

59 

12 

M. 

61 

14 

M. 

63 

15 

F. 

66 

16 

M. 

67 

13 

M. 

68 

27 

F. 

26  Total 

:ases. 

Recommendation. 


L 

Farm  

Institutional  care.. 

L 

L 

Farm   


L 

Parental  and  treat- 
ment   

Farm  with  good 
home   


Disposition. 

J.  W.  S 

J.  W.  S 

Farm    

Home    

Farm    

Home  

Ran  away  

Farm    

Farm    

Dependent  Home 

Sent  East   

Dunning 

Home  


Date  of 
Disposition. 
May,  1912. 
(?) 


(?) 

November,  1911. 
August,  1911. 


Parental 


L. 


Geneva    

L 

L. 

Institutional  care.... 

F.   M.   Institution  of 

Inst.  Home  


L. 


Farm  

Reform  School 

Illinois  Tech.  School. 

Home  for  F.  M 

Geneva   

Home  

Home  

Home  


Geneva 
Home  . 


Ages.     Summary  of  above. 
6  1  case 


Sex. 


7 
10 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
27 
40 


Males  . . . 
Females   . 

Total 


April  15,  1912. 


November,   1912. 
January,  1913. 


18 
8 

26 


Total    . 

Case 

No.     M.  G. 
6        X 


.26  cases 


Efifect.- 

N.  P.        D. 


11 


L. 
Died. 

Died. 

X 


Subsequent  History. 

In  J.  W.  S.  two  months,  to  be  treated  for 
gonorrhea.  Released  to  aunt.  Making  good 
when  he  died  of  pneumonia. 

Released.  Arrested  for  stealing  horse  and 
buggy.  Sent  to  House  of  Correction.  Died 
of  tuberculosis. 

Could  not  be  kept  there  because  of  bad  be- 
havior toward  men.  Geneva,  July,  1910. 
Released  to  sister.     Could  not  locate. 


126  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

Case  Efifect 


No.    M.  G.      N.  P.         D.  L.  Subsequent  History. 

13     X  Parents  objected  to  Lincoln.     March,  1914,  in 

court.  Assaulted  by  several  men.  House  of 
Good  Shepherd.    Still  there.    Social  menace. 

14     X  On  a  farm  in  Indiana,  off  and  on  for  the  last 

few  years.  Comes  to  Chicago  when  he  gets 
tired.     Filthy  in  habits.     Deteriorating. 

15     X         Dr.  Healy,  November,  1912.   Oak  Forest  could 

not  keep  her.  Ran  after  men.  Detention 
Hospital.  Kankakee  few  months.  Home 
servant.     No  progress. 

16     X         Later  application  was  made  for  Lincoln,   re- 

jected. Continued  habit  of  running  away. 
Reported  to  have  held  one  job  one  year. 
Now  missing  six  months. 

23     X         Arrested  four  times  from  December,  1911,  to 

July  17,  1914.  Parents  refuse  Lincoln.  P.  O. 
feels  his  work  is  useless.     Deterioration. 

28*  X         Did  well  for  few  months.     Then  started  old 

habits  of  running  awav.  Dependent  Plome. 
Ran  away,  1912.  Lincoln  to  May,  1913.  Ar- 
rested three  times.     Still  at  Lincoln. 

31      X  Still  in  Dependent  Home ;  no  report. 

33     X  Sent    East    by    a    society    interested    in    him. 

Unable  to  trace  boy. 

34     X  Still   in    Dunning ;   diagnosed   as   an   imbecile. 

35     X         Februar)',  1912,  arrested  as  incorrigible.    June, 

1913,  to  Feehanville ;  ran  away  in  July,  1913. 
July  11,  1913,  ran  away  from  Juvenile  Home. 
August,  1913,  in  a  couple  of  burglaries. 
Parental  October,  1913,  to  April,  1914.  Pa- 
roled. Returned  to  Parental. 
42* X  September,  1912,  in  court  for  stealing.  Lin- 
coln October  15,  1912,  to  August  22,  1913. 
Arrested  for  stealing;  returned  to  Lincoln 
January,  1914.  Escaped  August,  1914.  Can- 
not be  located. 

47     X  August,    1913,   was   still   on   farm.     Unable  to 

find   present  whereabouts. 

48     X         The  boy  was  sent  to  a  reform  school  in  the 

South. 

51     X         In  Illinois  Technical  School  until    (?);  over 

two  years.  Returned  to  third  grade  of  pub- 
lic school.     Not  making  it  go. 

54     X  Still  in  private  institution  for  F.  M. 

56     X  Brought   back   by   an    organization    interested 

in  her.  Working  and  carefully  guarded. 
Progress  doubtful. 

58* X         Januar.v,    1913,    in    court    for    stealing ;    April 

again.  Continued  stealing.  At  last  sent 
to  Lincoln,  September,  1914.  Escaped  Oc- 
tober, 1914.     Unable  to  locate. 

59     . X  Expelled  from  Subnormal  room  for  attacking 

teacher  with  knife.  Still  at  home  doing  odd 
jobs. 

61      X  Neer    any    treatment.      Now    poor    condition. 

Age  16  in  third  grade.  Expect  to  keep  him 
in  school. 

63     X         Paroled,  and  later  returned  to  Geneva.     Was 

unable  to  find  out  why. 

66         X         Released   from  probation   December,    1913,   as 

over  age.  In  court  January,  1914,  for  steal- 
ing. Lied  about  age.  Now  with  brother  as 
porter  in  cheap  barber  shop. 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  127 

Case Effect. 

No.     M.  G.       N.  P.        D.  L.  Subsequent  History. 

67     X  Went    back    to    public    school.      Expelled    for 

throwing  stones  at  children.  Put  in  indus- 
trial room.  Runs  awaj',  Parents  now  plan- 
ning to  send  him  to  Lincoln. 

68     X         Could  not  locate. 


*Note.     These  three  cases  eventually  came  to  Lincoln. 

Case  No.  28  is  there  now. 

Case  No.  42  escaped  August,  1914. 

Case  No.  58  escaped  October,  1914. 

Eight  cases  recommended  to  Lincoln.  One  of  these  eventually  came  to  Lincoln. 
Development  of  these  8.  Summary  of  above  cases. 

No  progress  2  25%  Making  good   2  T:1% 

Deterioration    4  50%  No  progress    11  42.3% 

Lost    2  25%  Deterioration    5  19.2% 

—    Lost    6  23.1% 

Total    8  100%  Died    2  11% 

Total  26     100.0% 

CONCLUSION. 

1.  Somewhat  less  than  one-half  of  our  group  of  normal  subjects  (47.3%) 
have  made  good  since  their  Juvenile  Court  experience. 

2.  Somewhat  more  than  one-half  (55.9%)  of  these  cases  in  which  the 
recommendations  made  by  the  Psychopathic  Institute  were  followed  have 
made  good. 

3.  Only  30%  among  those  cases  in  which  the  recommendation  of  the 
Psychopathic   Institute   was   not  followed  have  made   good. 

4.  Fifty  per  cent  are  lost  track  of  among  those  cases  in  which  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  Psychopathic  Institute  was  not  followed.  Only  17.7%  were 
lost  among  those  cases  in  which  the  recommendation  was  followed. 

5.  Of  the  35  subnormal  cases  sent  to  Lincoln,  but  15  remain  there.  The 
remaining  20  have  escaped,  have  been  discharged,  or  have  been  released  to 
parents  or  other  friends. 

6.  Of  15  released  at  the  solicitation  of  friends,  but  three  are  making 
good,  three  cannot  be  traced,  and  the  remainder  are  making  no  progress  or 
are  deteriorating. 

7.  The  nine  who  are  traceable  and  who  are  not  making  good  exhibit 
histories  such  as  the  following  in  their  subsequent  careers.  (See  Table 
XVIII.)  Nickel  show  fiend;  House  of  Correction  for  disorderly  conduct; 
idle;  seldom  heard  from;  refuses  to  say  where  she  works;  runs  away  to  places 
unknown;  idle;  immoral  relations;  unmanageable,  etc. 

8.  Among  the  cases  released  to  parents  and  friends  and  escaped  we  can- 
not find  profound  differences  between  the  "making  good"  cases  and  the  "De- 
teriorating" cases  as  far  as  physical  diagnosis  are  concerned.  All  are  alike 
in  point  of  feeble-mindedness.  We  do  find  great  differences  between  these 
groups  as  far  as  the  environmental  factor  is  concerned. 

9.  Of  the  26  subnormal  cases  who  were  disposed  of  otherwise  than  by 
commitment  to  Lincoln  but  two  have  made  good,  six  have  been  lost,  two  have 
died  and  considerably  more  than  one-half,  16,  are  at  a  standstil,  or  are 
deteriorating. 

RECOMMENDATIONS. 

1.  That  state  and  municipal  authorities  take  steps  to  provide  suitable 
institutions  for  the  segregation  of  feeble-minded  children,  as  recommended 
in  the  preceding  section. 

2.  Proposals  for  legislative  enactment  to  this  end  have  been  prepared 
by  a  committee  appointed  for  the  purpose  by  President  McCormick  of  the 
Cook  County  Board.  We  recommend  that  legislation  along  the  lines  pro- 
posed by  that  committee  be  had  in  this  state  to  correct  our  failures  in  our 
attempts  to  control  the  feeble-minded.  (See  recommendations  at  the  end  of 
preceding  section.) 


128  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

We  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  provision  for  denying  parents  and 
their  relatives  the  right  to  interfere  w^ith  commitment  of  a  feeble-minded  child 
to  an  institution  for  such  cases  has  precedent  in  the  laws  of  the  following 
states:  Connecticut,  Idaho,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Kentucky,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  Minnesota,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  North 
Dakota,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  South  Dakota,  Texas,  Vermont, 
Washington,  West  Virginia,  and  Wisconsin. 


A  STUDY  OF  COOK  COUNTY  BOYS  NOW  IN  THE 
ST.  CHARLES  REFORMATORY 

In  this  section  of  our  investigation  it  was  our  purpose  to  get  as  complete 
an  account  as  possible  of  the  developmental  history  of  the  280  Cook  County 
boys  who,  when  we  began  this  phase  of  our  work  on  September  10,  1914, 
were  in  the  State  Reformatory  for  Boys  at  St.  Charles.  This  soon  proved  to 
be  a  program,  however,  for  which  the  time  at  our  disposal  was  wholly  inad- 
equate. After  obtaining  certain  data  on  the  whole  group  from  the  records 
of  the  Juvenile  Probation  Office,  set  forth  in  the  first  table  below,  our  attention 
was  drawn  to  the  very  interesting  fact  that  approximately  10%  (29  cases),  of 
the  total  group  had  already,  before  commitment  to  St.  Charles,  come  to  the 
attention  of  one  or  several  of  those  public  agencies,  in  addition  to  the  Juvenile 
Court  proper,  by  which  we  seek  to  protect  the  community  against  the  juvenile 
weakling  and  the  juvenile  delinquent,  and  to  establish  or  re-establish  him  in 
the  ways  in  which  society  elects  that  he  should  go. 

We  were  able,  for  example,  to  obtain  a  view  of  these  cases  not  only 
through  the  records  of  the  Probation  Office,  but  through  those  of  the  Juvenile 
Psychopathic  Institute  where  a  diagnosis  of  their  mental  and  physical  condi- 
tion was  made;  through  the  records  of  the  Child  Study  Bureau  of  the  Board 
of  Education,  where  in  many  instances  a  diagnosis  had  been  made  of  the 
mental  and  physical  condition  very  much  earlier  than  the  commitment  to  St. 
Charles.  In  such  cases  it  was  evident  that  at  that  earlier  time  the  boys  had 
been  recognized  by  the  school  authorities  as  sufficiently  troublesome  problems 
to  lead  their  teachers  to  send  them  to  the  Bureau  for  diagnosis  and  for  the 
advice  of  the  Bureau  as  to  the  most  appropriate  educational  treatment  in 
each  case.  In  these  cases  also  we  consulted  the  records  and  the  Principal 
of  the  Chicago  Parental  School,  from  which  source  further  data  was  obtained 
relating  to  the  characteristics  and  development  of  the  youths  in  question. 
Finally  we  consulted  the  St.  Charles  Reformatory  itself,  both  by  written 
inquiry  and  by  personal  visit,  for  information  relating  to  the  developmental 
history  of  the  boys  since  they  reached  the  institution,  and  for  the  practical 
judgment  of  experienced  officials  at  the  Reformatory  on  the  question  whether 
each  boy  in  the  list  will  give  a  satisfactory  account  of  himself  on  his  release. 

The  detailed  results  of  this  study  are  set  forth  below.  Table  I  will  show 
which  of  these  cases,  by  case  number,  have  been  in  the  Parental  School 
(P.  S.);  have  a  record  of  the  Child  Study  Department  (C.  S.  D.)  of  the  Public 
School  System,  and  which  of  them  have  a  record  in  the  Juvenile  Psycho- 
pathic Institute  (J.  P.  I.). 

TWO    HUNDRED   AND    EIGHTY    ST.    CHARLES    BOYS,    DESIGNATING 

CASES  THAT  HAVE  PASSED  THROUGH  THE  CHICAGO  PARENTAL 

SCHOOL  AND  HAVE  BEEN  DIAGNOSED  IN  THE  CHILD  STUDY 

DEPARTMENT     OF    THE     BOARD     OF     EDUCATION     AND 

JUVENILE    PSYCHOPATHIC    INSTITUTE. 

Case  Case 

No.          P.  S.  C.  S.  D.  J.P.I.  No.          P.  S.  C.  S.  D.  J.P.I. 

1 9 

2 10 

3 11 

4 X    12 

5t X     13 X    

6 14 

7*t X     X     X     IS 

8 16t 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  129 

Case  Case 

No.  P.  S.     C  S.  D.   J.P.I.  No.  P.  S.     C.  S.  D.   J.P.I. 

17 81t X 

18 82 

19 83 

20t X         84t :      ■■><■■ 

21 85 

22 X  86 

23 87 

24 X         88 

25 X         89 

26 90 

21 91 ; 

28 92 

29t1: XXX  93n X  X        

30 X        94t X        

^\n XXX  95t X 

12 96 

ZZ 97 

34 V 98 X         

35 X        991 

36 X  100 

Z^ X  101 X        

38 X  102*t XXX 

39 X  103 

40 1041 X 

41 lost X 

42 X         106 

43 X         107 

44 X         108t X        

45 X        109 X        

46 110 

47 X        Ill 

48 112 

49 113 

50i X         114t X 

51t X        115n X  X        

52 116 

53t X        X  117 

54 118t X 

55*$ XXX  119t X 

56 X        120t X 

57 X        121 

58 X        122t X 

59 X        123 X        

60 124 X        

61 125 

62 126 

63 127t X 

64 128 X         

65 129 X         

66 X         130 

67 131t X 

68t X         X  132 

69 133 X        

70* 134 

71t X        X  135 

n 136t X 

73*t X  X  137$ X        X 

74 138n XXX 

75..; 139 

76 140 X  X        

n 141t X         

78 1421 X 

79 X        143 

80 144t X        X 


130  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

No.  P.  S.  C.  S.  D.  J.P.I.  No.  P.  S.  C.  S.  D.  J.P.I. 

145 209 X    

146 210 

147 X    211 

148 X    212 X    

149 213 

150 214$ X    X 

151 215t X 

152*$ X     X    216 X    

lS3t X  217 

154 218t X 

155t X  219 X    

156 X    220n XXX 

157 221 

1581: X    X  222 

159 223 X    

160 X    224 X    

161 225 

162 226t X 

163 227t X 

164t X    228n§ X     X 

165t X    229 

166 230 

167 231 

168 X    232 

169 X    222 

170t X  234 X    

I71t X  235 

172t X  236 

173 X    237t X 

174 238 

175 X    239 

176$ X    X  240 

177 241 

178 X    ••• 242 

179 243 

180 X    244 

181... 245 

182$ X    X  246 

183$ X    X  247 

184 248 X    

185$ X    X  249 

186 X    250$ X    X 

187 251 

188 X    252 

189$ X    X  253 

190$ X     X  254t X 

191 255$ X 

192 256 

193 X    257 X    

194 X  258$ X 

195$$ X  259 X 

196 260 

197 261 X    

198 X    262 

199 263 

200 X    264 

201 X    265 

202 X    266 

203$ X  267 

204 X    268 

205 269 

206 270 X    

207 271 

208 272 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  131 

No.  P.  S.     C.  S.D.J.  P.  I.  No.  P.  S.     C.  S.D.J.  P.  I. 

273 277 X         

274*t X  X         278 X         

275t X  279$ X         X 

276 280 


TOTALS. 

Parental  School   82  cases 

Child  Study  Department 26  cases 

Juvenile  Psychopathic   Institute    66  cases 

Examined  in  common   9  cases 

*Cases  studied  by  both  J.  P.  I.  and  C.  S.  D. 
fForty-eight  St.  Charles  cases,  examined,  but  not  in  P.  S. 
JThe  29  selected  cases. 
§Two  of  the  29  selected  cases  not  in  Parental  School. 

The  insignia  in  the  table  above,  as  explained  in  the  introduction  to  the 
table,  designate  those  cases  that  have  a  record  at  the  Chicago  Parental  School, 
at  the  Juvenile  Psychopathic  Institute,  and  at  the  Child  Welfare  Study  Bureau 
of  the  Chicago  Department  of  Education.  There  are  designated  also  those 
cases  that  have  been  examined  in  both  the  Psychopathic  Institute  and  the 
Child  Study  Department  as  well  as  those  who  were  examined  in  one  or  other 
of  these  agencies  but  have  no  record  in  the  Parental  School.  The  totals  show 
that  82  of  these  cases,  or  29.2%,  have  a  Parental  School  record.  In  other 
words  the  records  show  that  almost  a  third  of  these  boys  have  been  recog- 
nized as  truants.  Twenty-six  of  them  had,  while  they  were  yet  in  the  regular 
public  schools,  been  brought  to  the  child  study  department  as  difficult  cases 
for  expert  advice  as  to  the  disposition  that  should  be  made  of  them.  Sixty- 
six,  before  commitment  to  St.  Charles,  by  the  Juvenile  Court,  were  examined 
in  the  Psychopathic  Institute. 

Let  us  turn  now  to  the  29  cases  referred  to  above  who  had,  in  addition 
to  Parental  School  history,  a  record  of  diagnosis  in  either  the  Juvenile  Psy- 
chopathic Institute  or  the  Child  Study  Bureau  of  the  Department  of  Educa- 
tion, or  both.  They  were  regarded  as  particularly  troublesome  cases  before 
commitment  to  St.  Charles.  We  insert  below  the  history  of  several  of  these 
29  cases  which  sets  forth  the  date  of  birth,  the  first  school  report  that  brought 
the  boy  to  the  attention  of  custodial  agencies,  the  diagnosis,  Parental  School 
reports,  the  nature  of  the  environment  in  which  the  youth  grew  up,  the  date 
of  his  arrest  and  the  charge,  disposition  by  the  Court,  school  progress  in 
St.  Charles  and  the  estimate  of  the  officer  of  the  Reformatory  as  to  whether 
he  will  "make  good"  outside.     All  these  details  are  arranged  chronologically. 

When  such  histories  as  these  are  brought  together  they  present  an  espe- 
cially valuable  view  of  each  case.  In  almost  every  instance  we  have  reports 
covering  several  years  and  comprising  data  that  is  contributed  by  skilled 
observers.  By  reason  of  the  length  of  the  period  that  is  covered  in  most  of 
these  histories,  and  the  nature  of  the  observers,  the  data  afifords  a  good  basis 
for  prognosis  in  each  case.  Space  does  not  allow  the  publication  of  all  the 
records  in  this  form.  The  reader  is  referred  to  a  greatly  abbreviated  sum- 
mary of  the  29  histories  that  follows  the  illustrative  cases. 

I.    EDUCATIONAL    HISTORY    OF    ST.    CHARLES     REFORMATORY 
BOYS,  WITH  DATE  OF  EARLIEST  REPORTED  DELINQUENCY. 
DATA  ARRANGED   CHRONOLOGICALLY. 
(C.  S.  D.— Child  Study  Department  of  the  Public  Schools.) 
(J.  P.  I. — Juvenile  Psychopathic  Institute.) 
CASE  7.— Born  Aug.  17,  1897.     Nationality— Canadian. 

October   18,    1910.     Principal's   report   of  Aggassiz   School.     "This   boy   is 

a  habitual  truant.     He  is  a  little  subnormal  mentally." 
November  11,  1910.     Parental  School  until  March  8,   1911.     Four  months. 

School   grade,    1st.     Cause   of  discharge — Age  limit. 
April    11,    1911.     C.    S.    D.     "Subnormal,    does    not    know    how    to    read. 

Should   have   the  training  of  special   subnormal   centre. 
May  22,  1914.     J.  P.  I. 

Mentally — Subnormal.     Excessive  bad  habits. 


132  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

Physically — Exceedingly     dissipated.     Various     physical     defects,     al- 
though well  grown. 
Heredity — One    parent    addicted    to    drugs    before    conception.     Very 

premature  birth. 
Environment — Poverty.     Mother  works  out.     Poor  home  control. 

June  12,  1914.     Arrested.     Charge — General  incorrigibility. 

July  6,  1914.  Disposition — St.  Charles.  (Temporarily  John  Worthy 
School.)     Grade  on  entering  St.  Charles,  1st. 

October  15,  1914.  St.  Charles  report  by  School  Principal:  Present  grade, 
1st.  Progress  in  school  of  letters,  bad.  Will  he  "make  good"  out- 
side?    No. 

Note:     Mother  of  this  boy  once  received  a  pension  from  County.     Stayed 
because  of  bad  reports. 
CASE  29.— Born  October  22,   1909.     Nationality— American   (German). 

May  9,  1912.  Principal's  report  to  Wentworth  School.  Boy  is  a  habitual 
truant  beyond  control  of  his  mother. 

May  17,  1912.  Parental  School  until  October  16,  1912.  Five  months. 
School  grade,  4th.     Cause  of  discharge — Satisfactory  conduct. 

October  31,  1912.  C.  S.  D.  "Vision  is  only  half  normal;  some  adenoids; 
is  run  down  physically.  Has  a  number  of  physical  stigmata  indicating 
rickets  in  early  childhood.  Bad  school  habits  due  more  to  the  matter 
of  inherent  constitution  than  lack  of  training.  H  the  conduct  ghould 
again  become  intolerable,  it  would  be  a  good  plan  to  return  the  boy 
to  the  Parental  School  where  they  have  the  facilities  for  handling 
the  case." 

April  10,  1913.  Parental  School  until  September  17,  1913.  Cause  of  dis- 
charge— Satisfactory  conduct  and  kidney  trouble.  The  latter  caused 
nightly  urination  in  bed.     Hence  refused  to  take  him  back. 

December  26,  1913.  St.  Charles  until  April  24,  1914.  Paroled  to  Officer 
O'Brien.  Put  him  in  John  Worthy  School  temporarily.  School  grade 
on  entering  St.  Charles,  4th. 

April  24,  1914.  Released  from  St.  Charles  (John  Worthy  School  tem- 
porarily) to  mother. 

May  24,  1914.     Arrested.     Charge — General  truancy  and  loafing. 

May  24,  1914.     J.  P.  I. 
Mentally — Normal. 

Physically — Nervous.     Defective    vision.     Developmental    convulsions 
during  childhood  and  excessive  difficulty  in  control  of  sphincters. 
On  account  of  the  latter,  a  great  dislike  for  school  has  arisen. 
Heredity — Parent  mild  epileptic. 

May  26,  1914.  Committed  to  St.  Charles;  temporarily  John  Worthy. 
Delivered  to   St.   Charles  July  20,   1914. 

May  26,  1914.  Dr.  Yerger,  M.  D.:  "Has  defective  vision  and  adenoids. 
Urine  does  not  show  any  abnormality." 

October  15,  1914.     St.  Charles  report.     Present  grade,  4th.     Progress,  bad. 
Will  he  make  good  outside?     Probably. 
CASE  31.— Born  July  4,  1898.     Nationality— Russian  Jew. 

January  7,  1906.  C.  S.  D.  "Wholly  a  case  of  poor  home  conditions. 
Picks  things  out  of  barrels  in  alleys  for  food.  Poor  hearing  due  to 
enlarged  tonsils."     Mentally  bright. 

July  12,  1907.  P.  O.  report.  "This  boy  was  picked  up  at  4  a.  m.,  July  11, 
1907,  at  Washington  and  Clark  Streets  trying  to  sell  papers.  He 
told  the  officer  that  he  had  nothing  to  eat  since  noon  the  day  before. 
This  boy  came  from  a  very  poor  home.  I  hope  your  Honor  may 
see  your  way  clear  to  send  him  to  some  home." 

July  16,  1907.  Judge  Tuthill.  Sent  to  orphanage.  Ran  away  several 
times. 

October  11,  1907.  Principal's  report,  Washburn  School.  "Truancy  has 
become  chronic.  Had  him  placed  in  Orphans'  Home.  Conditions  in 
his  home  vile  beyond  description. 

October  31,  1907.  Arrested.  P.  O.  report — "Sleeping  in  the  rear  of  Chi- 
cago Examiner's  building.     Lack  of  parental  care." 

November  4,  1907.     Ran  away  from  Orphans'  Home. 

December  13,  1907.  Parental  School  until  May  6,  1908.  Five  and  one-half 
months.     School  grade,  3rd. 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  133 

September  14,  1908.  P.  O.  report — "Has  not  proper  parental  care  or 
guardianship,  also  has  not  sufficient  means  of  subsistence.  On  Sep- 
tember 12,  1908,  at  11  o'clock,  I  found  him  at  5th  Avenue  and  Madison 
Street  in  destitute  condition.  He  said  he  had  been  wandering  about 
the  streets  and  alleys  for  a  week,  both  day  and  night.  I  would  recom- 
mend that  he  be  placed  in  some  institution." 
September    21,    1908.     Parental    School.     Second    term    until    January    13, 

1909.     Four  months.     Dismissed  as  dependent. 
January  20,  1909.     Industrial  school.     Ran  away  May  10,  1911. 
November  11,  1911.     J.  P.  I. 

Mentally — Ability  very  good,  but  is  aberrational   in   type.     Very  de- 
fective in  self-control.     On  the  basis  of  defective  heredity,  etc. 
Physically — Fairly  good. 

Hededity — Parent  insane.     Father  unknown. 

Environment — Excessively  bad  on  account  of  poverty  and  the  above. 
Decernber  19,  1911.     Released  to  mother  from  Industrial  School  by  Judge 

Pinckney.     P.  O.  record. 
April   14,    1912.     Placed  in  a  good  private  home. 
May  26,  1914.     Ran  away  to  New  York. 

October  21,    1912.     Arrested.     Charge — Criminal  assault  of  a  little  three- 
year-old  girl. 
October  28,    1912.     Committed   to   St.    Charles    School.     School  grade   on 

entering  St.  Charles,  7th. 
April  3,  1914.     Paroled.     Returned  July  9,  1914. 

October    15,    1914.     St.    Charles    report.     Progress    good.     Will    he    make 
good  outside?     No. 
CASE  50.— Born  March  25,  1897.     Nationality— American. 

September  16,  1907.     Principal's  report,  DooHttle  School— "Should  receive 

immediate  attention.     Truant.     Mother  helpless." 
October  11,  1907.     Parental  School  until  October  27,  1909,  2  years.    School 

grade,   2nd.     Reason    of   discharge — Satisfactory   conduct. 
April  4,   1912.     Arrested.     Charge — Breaking  bulbs  at  60th  Street  on  the 

Illinois  Central  R.  R. 
June  16,  1913.     Arrested.     Charge — Stealing  cigars  and  watch. 
July  18,  1914.     Arrested.     Charge — Breaking  into  a  locker  at  Jackson  Park. 
July     18,     1913.     Disposition — St.     Charles.     Released    to    mother    before 

commitment. 
November  10,   1913.     Arrested.     Charge — Misapplying  funds,  $10.00. 
November  10,   1913.     J.  P.  I. 

Mentally — Capable  and  intelligent.     Lacking  in  self-control. 
Physically — Strong  and  well  developed,  but  nervous. 
Environment — Poverty.     Poor  home   conditions.     Mother  works  out. 
Father   died  while  the  boy  was   a  baby.     Long  association  with 
bad  companions.     Lack  of  wholesome  interests. 
Nov.  10,  1913.     Committed  to  St.  Charles.     School  grade,  5th. 
October  15,  1914.     St.  Charles   report.     Present  grade,  5th.     Progress  in- 

diflferent.     Will  he   make   good   outside?     Probably. 
The   29   histories    similar   to    the   foregoing   illustrations    are    briefly   sum- 
marized in  the  following  table.     In  the  summary  the  data  is  presented  chron- 
ologically from  left  to  right. 

It  will  be  seen  in  the  summary  above  that  approximately  37%  of  these 
youths  have  spent  from  two  to  four  years  in  institutional  life,  and  that  69% 
of  them  will  not  or  probably  will  not  make  good  outside — in  the  judgment 
of  practical  and  experienced  observers.  Neither  of  these  items  suggests  a 
hopeful   prognosis. 

The  foregoing  histories  afford  a  good  opportunity  to  observe  the  diag- 
nosis on  the  one  hand  and  to  set  over  on  the  other  hand  the  time  that  has 
lapsed  between  admission  to  the  Parental  School  and  to  the  St.  Charles  Re- 
formatory as  well  as  the  school  progress  made  in  the  interval  and  the  prospect 
for  the  future  as  estimated  by  the  progress  now  being  made  in  St.  Charles. 
It  is  unsatisfactory  to  set  this  kind  of  data  down  in  tabular  form  and  we  refer 
back  therefore  by  number  to  the  summarized  histories  in  Table  II: 
CASE  7. — Advanced  no  grade  in  4  years.  St.  Charles  record  bad.  Sub- 
normal, dissipated.  Make  good?  No. 
CASE  29. — Advanced  no  grade  in  1  year.  St.  Charles  record  bad.  Normal, 
nervous,  bad  vision.     Make  good?     No. 


134  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

CASE  31. — Advanced  4  grades  in  5  years.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Normal, 

bad   home.     Make   good?     No. 
CASE  50. — Advanced  3   grades   in   5^   years.     St.    Charles   record   indifferent. 

Normal,  and  physically   strong.     Make   good?     Probably. 
CASE  S3. — Advanced    1    grade   in  4>4    years.     St.   Charles   record   good.     Fair 

ability.     Bad  home.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  55. — Advanced  2  grades   in  2^   years.     St.   Charles  record  good.     De- 
fective hearing,  nervous.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  57. — Advanced    1    .grade    in    2^^    years.     St.    Charles    record    bad.     Fair 

ability.     Alcoholic  environment.     Make  good?     No. 
CASE  68. — Advanced  3  grades  in  2i/2  years.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Nor- 
mal.    Defective  vision.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  71. — Fell  back  1  grade  in  3  years.     St.  Charles  record  indifferent.     Fair 

ability.     Epileptic.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  93. — Advanced  1   grade  in  5  years.     St.  Charles  rernrrl   bad.     Restless. 

Adenoids.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  102. — Advanced  5  grades  in  5^/2  years.     St.  Charles  record  ,good.     Slow 

but  accurate.     Good  physical  development.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  115. — Advanced  1  grade  in  3  years.     St.   Charles  record  bad.     Normal. 

Physical  defects.     Make  good?     No. 
CASE   137. — Advanced  3  grades  in  5  years.     St.  Charles  record  bad.     Normal. 
Neurotic.     Make  good?     Probably. 
CASE  158. — Advanced   1   grade  in  2^   years.     St.   Charles  record  bad.     Fair 
mentally.     Healthy.     Bad  home.     Make  good?     No. 
CASE  176. — Advanced  2  grades  in  4^   years.     St.   Charles  record  indifferent. 

Subnormal.     Poor  general  physical  condition.     Make   good?     No. 
CASE  183. — Advanced    3    grades    in   4   years.     St.    Charles    record   indifferent. 

Normal.     Poorly  developed.     I\Iake  good?     Probably. 
CASE  183. — Advanced  3  ,grades  in  3^  years.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Ado- 
lescent instability.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  185. — Advanced    1    grade   in  4^^    years.     St.    Charles   record   indifferent. 

Normal.     Good  condition.     Make  good?     Probably. 
CASE  195. — Advanced  3  grades  in  ly^,  years.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Nor- 
mal.    Good   condition.     Make   good?     Probably. 
CASE  124. — Advanced  1  grade  in  1  year.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Normal. 

Alake  good?     No. 
CASE  220. — Advanced   no   grade    in   2   years.     St.    Charles   record   bad.     Sub- 
normal.    Not  feeble-minded.     Adenoids.     Make  good?     Probably. 
CASE  250. — Advanced  no  grade  in  3  years.     St.  Charles  record  bad.     Feeble- 
minded.    Defective  vision.     Make  good?     No. 
CASE  279. — Advanced  3  grades  in  4  years.     St.   Charles  record  good.     Good 
ability.     Good  condition.     Make  good?     No. 

Failure  to  show  school  progress  (Compare  Tables  V  and  XIV)  in  these 
cases  is,  of  course,  not  always  traceable  to  inability.  They  may  not  have 
continued  in  school  after  discharge  from  the  Parental  School,  although  they 
should  have  done  so  under  the  compulsory  education  law  until  the  age  of  14 
years  should  be  attained,  and  even  to  the  age  of  16  in  case  the  youth  was  not 
legally  employed.  These  cases  were  below  14  years  of  age  when  discharged 
from  the  Parental  School  excepting  the  following:  Nos.  7,  53,  55,  71,  102, 
115,  137,  138,  158,  182,  183,  195,  214,  220,  250,  and  274.  (Table  II.)  These  are 
somewhat  more  than  half  of  our  cases.  By  reason  of  having  reached  the  age 
ot  14  years  at  the  time  of  discharge  from  the  Parental  School  they  had  no 
formal  opportunity  to  advance  their  school  grade  before  their  subsequent 
admission  to  St.  Charles.  Of  course  there  is  the  possibility  that  some  of 
them  continued  in  school  by  reason  of  their  not  being  able  to  plead  employ- 
ment, but  of  this  we  have  no  evidence,  and  it  is  improbable.  Yet  all  these 
cases  excepting  six  (7,  29,  71,  58,  220,  250)  had  increased  their  school  standing 
before  entering  St.  Charles.  Those  excepted  merely  held  their  own,  or  lost 
ground.  (No.  71.)  Their  record  is  "bad"  or  "indifferent"  at  the  Reforma- 
tory and  the  estimate  as  to  the  future  of  three  of  them  (7,  158,  and  250)  is 
that  they  will  not  make  good  outside.  Of  two  of  them  (29  and  220)  it  is 
reported  that  he  will  make  good.  All,  excepting  158,  have  a  very  unfavorable 
mental  and  physical  diagnosis.  Case  71  is  mentally  normal,  but  is  described 
as  epileptic. 


134  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

CASE  31. — Advanced  4  grades  in  5  years.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Normal, 

bad  home.     Make   good?     No. 
CASE   50. — Advanced   3   grades   in   S^A    years.     St.    Charles   record   indifferent. 

Normal,  and  physically   strong.     Make   good?     Probably. 
CASE  53. — Advanced    1    grade   in  4^    years.     St.    Charles   record   good.     Fair 

ability.     Bad  home.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  55. — Advanced  2   grades   in  lyi   years.     St.   Charles   record  good.     De- 
fective hearing,  nervous.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  57. — Advanced    1    ,grade    in   2^    years.     St.    Charles    record   bad.     Fair 

ability.     Alcoholic  environment.     Make  good?     No. 
CASE  68. — Advanced  3  grades  in  2^  years.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Nor- 
mal.    Defective  vision.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  71. — Fell  back  1  grade  in  3  years.     St.  Charles  record  indifferent.     Fair 

ability.     Epileptic.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  93. — Advanced  1   grade  in  5  years.     St.  Charles  rernrd   bad.     Restless. 

Adenoids.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  102. — Advanced  5  grades  in  Syz  years.     St.  Charles  record  .good.     Slo\> 

but  accurate.     Good  physical  development.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  115. — Advanced  1  grade  in  3  years.     St.   Charles  record  bad.     Normal. 

Physical  defects.     Make  good?     No. 
CASE   137. — Advanced  3  grades  in  5  years.     St.  Charles  record  bad.     Normal. 
Neurotic.     Make  good?     Probably. 
CASE  158.— Advanced  1   grade  in  2!,4   years.     St.   Charles  record  bad.     Fair 
mentally.     Healthy.     Bad  home.     Make  good?     No. 
CASE  176. — Advanced  2  grades  in  4>4   years.     St.   Charles  record  indifferent. 

Subnormal.     Poor  general  physical  condition.     Make  good?     No. 
CASE  183. — Advanced    3    grades    in   4   years.     St.    Charles    record   indifferent. 

Normal.     Poorly  developed.     Make  good?     Probably. 
CASE  183. — Advanced  3  .grades  in  3^  years.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Ado- 
lescent instability.     Make  good?     Yes. 
CASE  185. — Advanced    1    grade   in  4K'    years.     St.    Charles   record  indifferent. 

Normal.     Good  condition.     Make  good?     Probably. 
CASE  195. — Advanced  3  grades  in  2^  years.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Nor- 
mal.    Good   condition.     Make  good?     Probably. 
CASE   124. — Advanced   1  grade  in   1  year.     St.  Charles  record  good.     Normal. 

Make  good?     No. 
CASE  220. — Advanced   no   grade    in   2   years.     St.    Charles   record    bad.     Sub- 
normal.    Not  feeble-minded.     Adenoids.     Make  good?     Probably. 
CASE  250. — Advanced  no  grade  in  3  years.     St.  Charles  record  bad.     Feeble- 
minded.    Defective   vision.     Make   good?     No. 
CASE  279. — Advanced  3  .grades  in  4  years.     St.   Charles  record  good.     Good 
ability.     Good  condition.     Make  good?     No. 

Failure  to  show  school  progress  (Compare  Tables  V  and  XIV)  in  these 
cases  is,  of  course,  not  always  traceable  to  inability.  They  may  not  have 
continued  in  school  after  discharge  from  the  Parental  School,  although  they 
should  have  done  so  under  the  compulsory  education  law  until  the  age  of  14 
years  should  be  attained,  and  even  to  the  age  of  16  in  case  the  youth  was  not 
legally  employed.  These  cases  were  below  14  years  of  age  when  discharged 
from  the  Parental  School  excepting  the  following:  Nos.  7,  53,  55,  71,  102, 
115,  137,  138,  158,  182,  183,  195,  214,  220,  250,  and  274.  (Table  II.)  These  are 
somewhat  more  than  half  of  our  cases.  By  reason  of  having  reached  the  age 
of  14  years  at  the  time  of  discharge  from  the  Parental  School  they  had  no 
formal  opportunity  to  advance  their  school  grade  before  their  subsequent 
admission  to  St.  Charles.  Of  course  there  is  the  possibility  that  some  of 
them  continued  in  school  by  reason  of  their  not  being  able  to  plead  employ- 
ment, but  of  this  we  have  no  evidence,  and  it  is  improbable.  Yet  all  these 
cases  excepting  six  (7,  29,  71,  58,  220,  250)  had  increased  their  school  standing 
before  entering  St.  Charles.  Those  excepted  merely  held  their  own,  or  lost 
ground.  (No.  71.)  Their  record  is  "bad"  or  "indifferent"  at  the  Reforma- 
tory and  the  estimate  as  to  the  future  of  three  of  them  (7,  158,  and  250)  is 
that  they  will  not  make  good  outside.  Of  two  of  them  (29  and  220)  it  is 
reported  that  he  will  make  good.  All,  excepting  158,  have  a  very  unfavorable 
mental  and  physical  diagnosis.  Case  71  is  mentally  normal,  but  is  described 
as  epileptic. 


TABLE  II.     SUMMARY  OF  THE  HISTORY   OF  TWENTY'-NINE  ST.  CHARLES  BOYS  WHO  HAVE  BEEN   DIAGNOSED   BY  THE  PSYCHOPATHIC  INSTITUTE  OR  THE     CHILD  STUDY  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  EDUCATION,  OR  1 


of  Case  Date  of  Birth 

7 S/l?/97 

29 10/22/01 

31 71  Aim 

50 3/25/97 

53 S/15/97 

55 12/15/97 

57 4/10/98 

68 11/10/02 

71 1/  1/98 

73 4/24/00 

93 10/27/98 

102 10/27/98 

115 7/17/00 

137 7/30/00 

138 12  /1/98 

152 12/31/99 

158 7/18/98 

176 4/2/01 

182 7  4//98 

183 9/22/97 

185 11/11/01 

189 6/25/02 

195 3/2/99 

214 5/11/00 

220 4/17/99 

228 10/  1/97 

250 7/29/98 

274 S/22/99 


Date  and  Age  Enter- 
ing Parental  School 


No.  of        No.  of 


i  Court  Chai 

Gen.  incor.,  truancy,  et 
Truancy  and  loafing 
Vagrancy,  assault 


of  Commitincnt 


General  inc 

rribility 

Snatching 

ocketbooks,  stealing 

Hold-up  fo 

General    in 

orrigibility 

Vagrancy, 

urglary,  stealing 

burglary  (4) 

nd   general  incorrigibility 

General  inc 

orrigibility  and  stealing 

Length  pf 
St.CharlES 


St.Charlcs         St.Charles 


ANALYTICAL  SUMMARY    OF  THE   HISTORY   OF  TWENTY-NINE  ST.  CHA 


Satisfactory  conduct 

Satisfactory  conduct 
Satisfactory  conduct 
Age  limit 

Age  limit 

Delinquent  (St.  Charles 

3         Vagrancy,  burglary,  stealing  1  (Temp.) 

5         Incendiarv.  burelarv  (4) 

7/15/13 

6/11/14 

3/31/14 

3/28/14 
Age  limit  5  Stealing,  snatching  bags  ..  3/  6/14 
Age  limit  1  Vagrancy  ..  5/19/14 
Age  limit  ,         ^       .  .     .-  

Age  limit 

Delinquent  (St.  Charles) 

;  BOYS  WHO  HAVE  BEEN  DIAGNOSED  BY  THE  PSYCHOPATHIC   INSTITUTE   OR  THE   CHILD   WELFARE   DEPARTH^ENT  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  EDUCATION.  OR  BOTH. 


Table  IV.    Age  a 


Table  VI.     Nui 


Parental  School, 


Table  VIII.    Cause  of  Discharge.        Table  X.     Age  Enterjn] 


.45         Subnormal    , 


Total   29 


3;45       Table  V.     Grade  at  Parental  School.    Table  VII.     Total  Time  at  Parental    Table  IX.    Number  of  Times  Arrested.    ^^^^   ^I.     Length   of   Time 


No  grade  given.. 


Total  29 


Cases.  Per  Cent. 


Cases.  Percent.     1  i 


Cases.  PerCenl 


Charles. 
Range  3  Months  to  32  Months. 

Cases.  Per  Cent. 


Total    29 


Tabli^  XIV.     Present  Grade  i 


No  gride  given 4 

Total  29 


Table  XVI.    Institutional  Life. 
Range  6  Months  to  4  Years. 

Cases.  PcrCciit. 


Total  29 


Total  29 


Total  29 


Total  29 


Total  29 


Total  29 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME 


135 


Leaving  these  six  cases  and  returning  to  the  remainder  of  the  list  cited 
above,  i.  e.,  Nos.  50,  57,  93,  115,  137,  182,  183,  193,  and  214,  we  find  that  only 
three  (183,  195,  and  214)  are  making  good  progress  at  St.  Charles.  Only  No. 
183  is  expected  to  make  good  outside.  These  three  present  good  diagnoses. 
Excluding  now  this  group  of  three  cases  the  remainder  of  this  last  list,  i.  e., 
50,  57,  93,  115,  117,  and  182,  are  all  making  bad  or  indifferent  records  at  St. 
Charles.  They  had  all  increased  their  school  standing  by  from  1  to  3  grades 
between  the  time  of  entering  the  Parental  School  and  the  time  of  entering 
St.  Charles.  Number  50  presents  a  good  diagnosis;  he  will  probably  make 
good.  Fifty-seven,  fair;  he  will  not  make  good.  Numbers  93  and  137  give 
evidence  of  unstable  nervous  systems,  but  mentally  they  are  declared  to  be 
normal.  No.  93  will  make  good;  137  probably.  Number  116  suffers  from 
sensory  defects.  He  will  not  make  good.  Number  182  is  of  fair  mental 
ability,  but  is  physically  poorly  developed.  He  will  probably  make  good. 
From  the  data  we  have  at  hand  no  very  definite  statement  can  be  made  relating 
to  a  correlation  between  the  mental  and  physical  diagnoses  we  have  quoted 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  character  of  the  record  at  St.  Charles  and  the 
prognosis  of  practical  officials  on  the  other. 

PHYSICAL  AND  MENTAL  DIAGNOSES  OF  TYPICAL  CASES  FROM 
AMONG  41   OF  THE  280  ST.   CHARLES   BOYS. 
Diagnoses  by  Psychopathic  Institute.     No  Parental  School  record.     (None 
of  these  included  in  the  29  cases  foregoing): 
No.  of 


Case.         Physical  Diagnosis. 

119  Poor   general   development.     No 

defects. 

120  General     condition     fair.       For- 

merly   had    epilepsy.      Chorea. 

St.  Vitus  Dance.     Now  minor 

epilepsy. 
122     Well    developed    and    nourished. 

Scar  and  bone  envolment  from 

old  injury. 
127     In  ,good  condition. 


121     Good  general  condition. 
136     Very    small.     Fairly    well    nour- 
ished but  poorly  developed. 


Mental    Diagnosis. 
Bright. 

Dull    from   physical    causes. 


Poor  in  ability  and  advantages, 
two  years  schooling  in  U.  S. 


Only 


Tentatively  diagnosed  as  fairly  good 
ability.  Poor  educational  advan- 
tages. 

Poor  in  ability  and  advantages. 

Tentatively  subnormal.  Appeared  to 
be  pretending  to  know  less  than  he 
really  did.  May  be  dull  from  phys- 
ical causes. 

Fair  in   ability  and  advantages. 


Bright. 

Fair  in  ability. 

Extremely  bright. 


140     Strong.    Sturdy.     Some  defective 

hearing  on  one  side. 
142     Strabismus.     Scar  of  old  corneal 

ulcer. 
144     Poor    general    development    and 

nutrition. 
153     Good  condition  except  defective 

vision. 

Of  the  41  cases  illustrated  above  whose  conditions  were  examined  at  the 
Psychopathic  Institute,  but  14  were  in  good  or  fair  physical  condition  at  the 
time  of  diagnosis.  The  remainder  present  various  signs  of  profound  neurotic 
disturbance.  But  25  are  of  good  or  fair  mental  ability.  The  remainder  are 
distinctly  subnormal. 

CASES  DIAGNOSED  ONLY  BY  THE  CHILD  STUDY  DEPARTMENT 
OF  THE  BOARD  OF  EDUCATION.     (NO  ONE  OF  THESE 
INCLUDED    IN   THE   29   SELECTED    CASES.) 
No.  of 

Case.  Remarks  and  Recommendations. 

16  He  is  a  dull,  stupid  child  who  will  require  individual  attention  to  accom- 
plish anything  in  the  way  of  school  work.  His  nervous  system  is  in 
a  wretched  condition,  no  doubt  in  consequence  of  poor  food  and  unsan- 
itary home  conditions. 
20  It  is  a  question  of  poor  heredity  and  moving  about  from  place  to  place. 
Ought  to  be  approached  wholly   through   concrete   methods. 


136  REPORT   OF   CRIAIE   COMMITTEE 

No.  of 

Case.  Remarks    and    Recommendations. 

44  His  case  calls  for  more  individual  treatment.     Raymond  School.     Until 

the    mother    can    locate    in    that    neighborhood,    the   boy    may   as   well 
remain  at  home. 

45  A   boy  of  more   than   average   brightness.     Has   only   been   in   U.    S.    14 

months.     Simply   a   case    of   not   being  acquainted   with    the   language. 
Not  a  case  for  the  ungraded  room. 
51     Not    aggressive.     Hardly    defends    himself.     Occasionally    cranky    about 

eating.     Plays  vigorously.     Sleeps  well. 
94     Teacher  says   cannot   do  anything.     This  is   again  a  physical   case.     Boy 
is  extremely  nervous,  is  tense  and  physically  depleted.     Probably  will 
get  on  satisfactorily  with  school  work  for  he  has  gotten  hold  of  his 
symbol  work  fairly  well. 

128  Needs  to  be  aroused  and  interested  in  motor  methods.  Also  consider- 
able drill  with  symbols  in  the  way  of  giving  them  a  concrete  basis. 
Brother  who  is  in  St.  Charles  is  about  as  low  as  this  fellow.  Very 
tense  and  erratic.  Some  hereditary  taint  has  induced  neurosis.  Rec- 
ommended the  transfer  to  grade  3  in  Seward  School. 

141 

164  Cannot   stand   on   one   foot. 

165  Some  aberration. 

190  Was  in  Feehanville  July  to  December,  1909.  Uncontrollable.  Boy  seems 
wholly  untrained.  Good  instincts.  Parents  do  not  understand  him  or 
wish  to  get  rid  of  him. 

214  This  boy  is  16  years  11  months,  but  practically  less  than  the  size  of  an 
11  year  old.  He  has  been  greatly  stunted  in  early  life,  first  by  reason 
of  his  inheritance  which  is  tubercular,  and  likewise  on  account  of  his 
sickness  during  early  life.  Not  feeble-minded.  He  is  able  to  work 
with  number  combinations  in  the  concrete  to  50.  He  seems  to  have 
a  good  memory  for  simple  things  and  his  perception  is  fairly  keen, 
though  slow.  He  shows  a  great  number  of  physical  defects  both  on 
the  side  of  growth  and  movement.  These  can  be  attended  to  later. 
We  recommend  his  admittance  to  the  ungraded  room  at  Seward  School. 

'^"^^;  CONCLUSIONS. 

Only  nine  among  the  29  cases  are  physically  in  good  condition.  The 
remainder  are  suffering  from  various  types  of  disorder  which  signify  more  or 
less  neurotic   dispositions. 

But  14  cases  in  a  group  of  41  among  the  280  at  St.  Charles,  who  have 
been  diagnosed  at  the  Psychopathic  Institute,  are  described  as  of  good  or 
fair  physical  condition.  The  remainder  of  this  group  present  indications  of 
neurotic  disturbances.  Only  26  of  this  number  are  described  as  of  good  or 
fair  mental  ability. 

In  Table  ....  we  have  11  additional  cases  whose  physical  and  mental 
diagnosis  is  recorded  in  the  Child  Study  Department.     (Case  190  in  this  group 

is   included   with   the   41    in   Table    )     Seven   of   this   number  are   in   bad 

physical  and  mental  condition. 

Out  of  a  total  therefore  of  82  St.  Charles  boys  (nearly  30%  of  the  Chicago 
contingent),  whose  diagnoses  we  have  been  able  to  secure,  54  are  unstable 
physically  or  mentally  or  in  both  respects.  If  the  conclusion  reached  by 
Dr.  Stevens  in  the  first  section  of  this  portion  of  our  investigation  is  correct 
—  that  these  unstable  youths  require  special  and  prolonged  attention  in  order 
to  give  them  an  even  start  in  life — then  we  have  with  these  boys  the  same 
problem  that  presents  us  in  the  case  of  the  John  Worthy  boys  and  the  Lin- 
coln cases.     (See  Sections  A  and  B  II.) 

One  other  thing  that  stands  out  prominently  in  the  history  of  these  cases 
is  the  length  of  time  they  have  spent  in  institutional  life  and  the  unfavorable 
home  surroundings  from  which  they  have  come.  With  these  diagnoses  and 
histories  in  mind  the  practical  question  that  confronts  us  is,  what  becomes 
of  these  youths  and  others  when  they  are  paroled  from  St.  Charles?  The 
answer  to  that  question  is  the  test  of  our  methods.  It  has  been  impossible 
in  the  course  of  this  investigation  to  take  up  this  problem.  It  would  involve 
the  tedious  process  of  following  up  the  history  of  several  hundred  paroled 
boys  throughout  several  years.  In  this  connection  we  are  at  liberty  to 
quote  a  letter  on  the  subject  of  parole  from  St.  Charles,  addressed  to  Mr.  Joel 
D.  Hunter,  (I^hief  Juvenile  Probation  Officer  for  Cook  County. 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  137 

Mr.  Joel  D.  Hunter, 

Chief  Probation  Officer,  Juvenile  Court. 
Dear  Mr.  Hunter: 

With  regard  to  the  parole  situation  at  the  St.  Charles  School  for 
Boys,  I  would  say  the  St.  Charles  School  for  Boys  has,  since  its 
establishment,  had  but  one  parole  officer  who  gave  attention  to  the 
boys  paroled  from  that  institution.  This  officer  is  known  as  a  Home 
Visitor  and  is  supposed  to  have  the  same  qualifications  as  the  visitors 
who  attend  dependent  children  for  the  Illinois  State  Board  of  Admin- 
istration. 

The  St.  Charles  School  has  in  the  neighborhood  of  1,000  boys  on 
parole,  and  approximately  one-half  of  this  number  come  from  Chicago. 
This  officer  has  no  special  training  for  the  care  of  delinquent  boys 
but  is  examined  for  his  fitness  for  visitin^g  dependent  children  (boys 
and  girls)  placed  in  homes.  He  is  paid  for  this  service  $75.00  per 
month.  The  law  creating  the  St.  Charles  School  specifically  states 
that  the  officer  shalll  be  a  parole  agent. 

According  to  the  report  of  the  Juvenile  Court,  submitted  to  the 
County  Board  for  the  year  1913,  there  were  committed  to  the  St. 
Charles  School  for  the  year  1913,  183  boys  from  Cook  County.  For 
the  last  two  years  the  Home  Visitor,  so-called,  of  the  St.  Charles 
School  has  not  visited  in  Chicago  at  all.  It  would  be  a  physical 
impossibility  for  one  Parole  Officer  for  the  St.  Charles  School, 
assigned  to  the  City  of  Chicago  alone,  to  attend  properly  to  all  the 
parole  cases  that  are  allowed  to  return  from  that  institution  to  the 
city.  As  it  is  they  have  no  supervision  whatever.  It  is  small  wonder 
that  so  large  a  number  of  these  boys  are  re-arrested  and  brought 
back  into  this  Court,  or  into  the  Boys'  Court  for  new  offenses.  It 
is  generally  conceded  by  people  experienced  in  correctional  institu- 
tions that  the  most  critical  period  with  the  person  whom  you  are 
attempting  to  correct,  follows  his  release  from  the  correctional  insti- 
tution, and  extends  over  a  period  of  a  year  or  more  from  that  date. 
These  boys  coming  out  of  St.  Charles  have  had  the  advantage  of  a 
very  high  grade  correctional  training,  and  are  then  once  more  allowed 
to  return  to  the  old  environment  without  the  guiding  influence  of  a 
Parole   Officer  to  assist  them  to  get  re-established. 

The  State  of  Massachusetts  maintains  a  school  at  Westboro  for 
Delinquent  Boys  under  the  age  of  16.  That  institution  has  seven 
parole  officers — one  Chief  Parole  Officer  who  receives  $150  a  month. 
The  other  officers  are  paid  salaries  that  make  it  possible  for  the 
Superintendent  to  secure  high  class  men.  It  is  useless  to  attempt 
to  set  forth  the  advantage  of  such  a  plan,  as  that  will  seem  obvious. 
It  is  my  firm  belief  that  a  large  number  of  the  boys  who  come  from 
St.  Charles  on  parole  could,  under  proper  parole  supervision,  be  kept 
from  committing  new  offenses.  Another  serious  disadvantage  is  that 
boys  who  escape  from  that  institution  are  very  frequently  able  to 
avoid  being  returned  as  a  result  of  the  failure  of  adequate  parole 
supervision  in  the  institution  to  apprehend  and  return  these  boys. 
Respectfully    yours 

HARRY  HILL. 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 

In  the  light  of  the  unfavorable  nature  of  the  Chicago  boys  in  St.  Charles, 
as  far  as  it  has  been  set  forth  in  this  study,  it  is  of  prime  importance  to  know 
what  becomes  of  them,  in  order  that  we  may  intelligently  check  our  methods. 
On  this  account  and  in  the  light  of  the  letter  quoted  above,  we  recommend 
that  the  City  of  Chicago  make  some  provision  for  studying  the  history  of 
Chicago  boys  subsequent  to  their  parole  from  St.  Charles.  We  ought  to 
know  where  the  500  Chicago  boys  are  who  have  been  paroled  from  St. 
Charles.  Such  a  study  should  begin  with  boys  who  were  placed  on  parole 
four  or  five  years  ago,  and  include  all  who  have  been  paroled  since  from  that 
date  up  to  the  present. 

2.  If  the  condition  discovered  among  John  Worthy  School  boys  reported 
in  the  first  section  of  this  portion  of  the  report  obtain  also  among  the  St. 
Charles  Boys — and  it  is  fair  to  assume  that  this  is  the  case — it  is  necessary 
for  the  sake  of  public  health  and  safety  to  exercise  the  same  care  of  dis- 
charge and  parole  from  St.  Charles  as  has  been  recommended  in  the  case  of 


138  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

John  Worthy  boys.  We  recommend  that  physical  and  mental  examination 
of  St.  Charles  boys  be  made  and  recorded  repeatedly,  and  that  authority  be 
given  to  the  medical  staff  to  discharge  or  hold  according  to  its  findings. 

3.  The  adoption  of  the  preceding  recommendation  would  make  it  neces- 
sary to  enlarge  the  facilities  of  the  state  and  city  for  taking  care  of  delinquent 
boys.     These  facilities  are  already  inadequate. 

D 
DELINQUENT  BOYS  IN  EMPLOYMENT 

Our  task  with  the  delinquent  boy  is  on  one  side  the  problem  of  mental 
deficiency.  On  another  side  it  is  the  problem  of  the  unfit  home — unfit  on 
account  of  poverty  or  on  account  of  the  character  of  parents,  brothers  and 
sisters,  or  for  both  reasons.  Once  more,  it  is  the  problem  of  employment. 
Of  course,  all  three  of  these  problems  may  come  together  in  the  person  of  a 
single   delinquent. 

Here  it  is  our  purpose  to  set  forth  the  facts  as  we  find  them,  relating 
to  the  employment  of  all  juvenile  boys  over  the  age  of  14  years  who  were 
on  probation  on  September  1,  1914,  and  who  also  had  been  on  probation 
during  the  four  months  preceding  that  date.  We  are  indebted  to  the  Juvenile 
Probation  Ofiice  of  Cook  County  for  the  data  that  is  summarized  herein. 

On  September  1,  1914,  there  were  on  probation  in  Cook  County  436 
delinquent  boys  over  the  age  of  14  years.  Of  these  242  were  employed  on 
that  day  and  194  were  unemployed.  The  following  table  presents  the  data 
v/ith  respect  to  the  proportion  of  time  employed  during  the  four  months 
preceding  the  date  named  above: 

I.  SHOWING  THE  PROPORTIONATE  TIME  EMPLOYED. 

No.  employed  full  time  during  4  mo.  preceding  Sept.  1 88 

No.  employed  -34  to  full  time  during  4  mo.  preceding  Sept.  1 66 

No.  employed  ^  to  ^^  time  during  4  mo.  preceding  Sept.  1 .     89 

No.  employed  less  than  ^  time  during  4  mo.  preceding  Sept.  1 . .  . .    134 
No.  not  working  during  4  mo.  preceding  Sept.  1 11 

Total 388 

In  Table  II  we  have  the  wages  received  by  these  boys  while  they  were 
working  within   the  period  covered  by  the  report: 

II.  SHOWING  THE  WAGES  OF  DELINQUENT  BOYS. 

No.  receiving  less  than  $5.00  per  week 78 

No.  receiving  $5.00  to  $6.00  per  week 138 

No.  receiving  $6.00  to  $7.00  per  week 75 

No.  receiving  $7.00  to  $8.00  per  week 42 

No.  receiving  $8.00  to  $9.00  per  week 17 

No.  receiving  $9.00  to  $10.00  per  week 16 

No.  receiving  $10.00  and  more  per  week 6 

No.  receiving  board  only   (in  country) 5 

No.  not  working 11 

Total 388 

In  Table  III  is  set  forth  our  data  relating  to  the  constancy  of  boys  in 
their  several  occupations: 

III.  SHOWING    THE    NUMBER    OF    JOBS    HELD    BY 

DELINQUENT   BOYS. 

No.  holding  1  job  during  4  mos.  preceding  Sept.  1 162 

No.  holding  2  jobs  during  4  mos.  preceding  Sept.  1 125 

No.  holding  3  jobs  during  4  mos.  preceding  Sept.  1 47 

No.  holding  4  jobs  during  4  mos.  preceding  Sept.  1 24 

No.  holding  5  jobs  during  4  mos.  preceding  Sept.  1 14 

No.  holding  6  jobs  during  4  mos.  preceding  Sept.  1 0 

No.  holding  7  jobs  during  4  mos.  preceding  Sept.  1 5 

Not  working   11 

Total 388 

The  types  of  occupations  followed  by  these  boys  cover  a  wide  field.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  the  errand  boy,  the  wagon  boy,  the  messenger  and  the 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME 


139 


shop  boy  occur  in  considerable  numbers.  These  are  occupations — like  many 
others  in  the  list — from  which  there  are  not  many  open  avenues  for  advance- 
ment. 

IV.     SHOWING   TYPES   OF   OCCUPATIONS   FOLLOWED   BY 
DELINQUENT   BOYS. 


Errand  Boy 
Wagon  Boy 
Water  Carrier 
Bellboy 

Machine  Worker 
Farm   Boy 
Stock  Boy 
Teamster 

Electrician's  Helper 
Box  Maker 
Envelope  Maker 
Helping  Saw^yers 
News  Stand 


Timekeeper 

Butcher  Boy 

Elevator  Boy 

Gordon  Feeder 

Team  Boy 

Picture  Frame  Worker 

Printin,g 

Peddler 

Cook's    Assistant 

Deckhand 

Handy  Boy 


Packer 

Shop 

Grocery 

Chauffeur 

Livery  Attendant 

Leading    Ponies 

Office  Boy 

Plumber's  Apprentice 

Blockman 

Sorter 

Bottle  Washer 

Painter's   Helper 

Messenger 

Of  errand  boys  there  were  93  on  September  1,  1914;  wagon  boys,  47; 
shop  boys,  27;  office  boys,  14;  messenger  boys,  24;  machine  workers,  16;  farm 
boys,  10;  teamsters,  10.  The  remaining  boys  were  distributed  in  smaller 
numbers  among  the  other  occupations  listed  above. 

In  the  report  of  the  Cook  County  Juvenile  Court  for  the  fiscal  year 
ending  November  30,  1913,  pp.  71  FF.,  data  similar  to  the  foregoing  is  pre- 
sented. It  is  the  experience  of  the  Court  that  in  the  majority  of  cases  "pro- 
bation will  not  succeed  with  a  delinquent  boy  over  14  unless  he  can  be  kept 
steadily  at  work  or  in  school."  Common  sense  would  dictate  such  a  state- 
ment as  this.  It  is  essential,  therefore,  to  the  success  of  the  juvenile  proba- 
tion system  that  intelligent  efifort  and  co-operation  be  taken  to  secure  steady 
and  suitable  employment  for  probationers.  There  is  appended  here  a  letter 
from  Probation  Officer  I.  Levin  addressed  to  Mr.  Joel  Hunter,  Chief  Proba- 
tion Officer.     It  is  pertinent  to  the  general  problem  of  juvenile  employment: 

Chicago,   Ilinois,  Sept.  23,   1914. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"I  beg  leave  to  present  to  you  my  interpretation  of  the  figures  shown 
on  the  enclosed  statistical  sheet,  and  such  other  comment  as  I  think  is  appro- 
priate to  the  discussion  of  the  problem  of  employment  of  delinquent  boys. 
"I  think  I  am  correct  in  stating  that  the  opportunity  of  securing  employ- 
ment has  diminished  more  and  more  since  a  year  and  a  half  ago.  I  believe 
that  if  statistics  were  compiled  for  the  first  four  months  of  1913,  when  indus- 
trial conditions  were  more  nearly  normal,  there  would  be  shown  fewer  boys 
Vv'ho  have  worked  part  time,  and  also  fewer  boys  who  have  not  worked  at  all. 
"You  will  notice  that  of  the  sixty-three  boys  probationed  to  me  there  are 
twenty-one  attending  school,  leaving  forty-two  boys  who  should  be  at  work. 
Of  this  number,  eighteen  boys,  or  43%,  have  worked  full  time,  while  thirteen 
boys,   or  30%,  have  worked  part  time. 

"Let  us  turn  to  the  eleven  boys  who  have  not  worked  at  all  in  the  four 
months  under  consideration.     They  are  designated  below  by  numbers: 

(1)  "This  lad  is  subnormal.  His  mother  is  insane,  and  has  been  in 
Dunning.  The  father  is  subnormal  (information  from  Dr.  Healy).  The  boy 
and  his  brother,  a  year  older,  have  each  one  been  in  St.  Charles  for  eighteen 
months.  I  find  it  almost  impossible  to  get  him  to  keep  an  appointment. 
His  irregular  behavior  is  such   that  no   employer  will  keep  him. 

(2)  "This  lad  has  worked  as  a  driver,  and  has  earned  by  that  means 
$8.00  a  week,  although  he  was  only  fourteen  years  old  at  that  time.  When 
he  lost  this  job,  he  would  not  work  as  an  errand  boy,  the  only  occupation 
open  to  a  boy  under  sixteen.  This  lad  has  the  height  and  weight  of  a  boy 
seventeen  or  eighteen. 

(3)  "This  lad  was  reared  without  the  aid  of  his  father,  who  was  a  man 
of  uncontrollable  temper.  The  boy  worked  one  day  at  a  job  in  a  japanning 
factory.  He  is  of  low  mentality.  I  doubt  whether  he  will  ever  earn  his  live- 
lihood by  honest  labor. 

(4'^  "This  boy  is  of  low  mentality.  Every  efifort  to  get  him  to  work 
has  failed. 


140  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

(5)  "This  lad  is  an  immigrant  from  Russia.  He  is  of  slight  frame  and 
can  do  no  heavy  work.     He  has  not  learned  to  speak  English. 

(6)  "This  boy  is  of  low  mentality,  is  undersized,  and  the  mother,  a  very 
stupid  woman,  will  not  co-operate  with  the  probation  officer. 

(7)  "This  boy's  desire  to  wander  away  from  home,  and  from  town  to 
town,  is  the  cause  of  his  unemployment.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this 
boy  has  a  sister  who  is  an  imbecile.  The  probability  is  that  he  too  is  sub- 
normal. 

(8)  "This  boy's  mother  is  very  stupid.  He  himself  is  subnormal,  though 
he  has  exceptional  talent  for  mechanics.  Out  of  scrap  material  he  has  built 
an  auto  truck  and  a  steam  engine.  Secured  for  him  a  job  with  a  scientific 
instrument  house  where  the  Superintendent  planned  to  have  him  run  errands 
until  he  is  sixteen,  and  then  place  him  in  the  shop.  As  soon  as  he  knows  the 
trade  of  instrument  piaker,  he  will  earn  as  high  as  $8.00  a  day.  He  turned 
the  job  down,  and  talked  impertinently  to  the  manager.  Secured  other  jobs  for 
him  at  which  he  worked  a  few  days  and  quit.  He  will  have  to  wait  until  he 
is  sixteen  before  he  can  lawfully  work  with  machinery. 

(9)  "Worked  in  a  picture-frame  factory  at  piecework,  earning  from  $3.00 
to  $6.00  a  week.     Became  discouraged  because  of  the  low  wages  and  quit. 

(10)  "This  boy  is  of  small  size,  and  of  low  mentality.  His  father  is 
dead,  and  his  mother  has  little  control  over  him. 

(11)  "Same  condition  as  in  that  of  No.  10,  excepting  that  the  mother, 
instead  of  the  father,  is  dead. 

"In  the  above  eleven  cases,  we  find  five  boys  who  are  definitely  subnormal 
(pronounced  as  such  by  our  Dr.  Healy).  There  is  a  strong  probability  that 
eight  of  the  eleven  are  subnormal,  judging  by  their  family  history  and  their 
behavior  on  probation.  Very  little  can  be  done  toward  getting  the  subnormal 
boy  to  hold  his  job  after  one  has  been  found  for  him.  The  chance  for  this 
type  of  boy  to  secure  and  hold  a  job  is  getting  smaller  and  smaller  as  the 
Taylor  system  is  being  installed,  and  the  aim  at  increased  shop  efficiency 
is  being  applied  to  industry. 

"Of  the  five  unemployed  boys  designated  as  being  of  low  mentality  and 
probable  subnormality,  three  are  of  undersize.  When  a  boy  has  made  little 
progress  at  school,  plays  checkers,  as  in  the  cases  of  these  boys,  as  an  infant 
does,  will  not  keep  an  appointment,  has  no  sense  of  social  obligation,  and 
seems  never  to  think  of  consequences;  and  when  his  associates  nickname  him 
"Bonehead,"  "Goofy,"  "Ivory,"  or  "Sawdust,"  there  is  little  chance  of  erring 
when  we  size  up  the  boy  as  one  of  low  mentality.  The  boy  with  a  poor 
mentality  is  the  first  one  to  be  let  out  when  a  retrenchment  policy  is  adopted; 
and  because  he  makes  more  errors  than  the  normal  boy,  his  value  to  his 
foreman  is  little  and  at  the  least  provocation,  general  retrenchment  or  not, 
the  boy  is  discharged. 

'You  will  observe  that  one  boy  is  too  large  for  his  age.  Having  earned 
more  money  than  what  is  generally  paid  a  boy,  he  will  not  work  for  a  boy's 
wages.  This  boy  reminds  us  of  another  15-year-old  boy,  probationed  to  one 
of  the  juvenile  probation  officers.  He  v/eighs  about  150  pounds,  and  has  the 
strength  of  a  well-developed  man,  but  the  only  employment  open  to  him  is 
that  of  errand  or  office  boy.  This  boy  feels  too  old  to  go  to  school,  and  feels 
too  manly  to  do  a  boy's  job.  And  until  he  is  sixteen  years  old,  he  will  tramp 
the  streets,  asociate  with  idlers,  and  in  time  become  a  delinquent.  In  talking 
this  problem  over  with  Miss  Cook,  teacher  at  the  Juvenile  Detention  Home, 
she  suggested  that  the  limitations  to  labor  be  defined  on  the  basis  of  bodily 
strength  instead  of  age.  , 

"The  unemployment  of  one  of  the  boys  can  probably  be  traced  to  his  small 
earnings.  The  boy  of  fourteen  when  he  leaves  school  and  works  as  an  errand 
boy,  will  receive  from  $4.00  to  $6.00  a  week.  Whenever  he  quits  his  job  and 
finds  another  he  receives  the  same  pay,  or  perhaps  less  pay.  In  time,  as 
the  boy  grows  older,  and  his  value  to  his  employer  has  not  increased  and  his 
wages  are,  therefore,  constant,  he  becomes  discontented.  The  boy  will  not 
work  until  he  finds  a  job  which  will  pay  him  the  wage  he  wants. 

"Surely,  this  condition  argues  for  a  system  of  vocational  education,  to 
the  end  that  the  boy  may  enter  the  shop  equipped  with  the  essential  knowl- 
edge, to  learn  more,  to  become  more  skillful  and  efficient,  and  thus  be  able  to 
command  a  better  wage.  , 

"One   boy's   unemployment   can    be    charged   up   to   his   ignorance   of  the 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES    OF    CRIME  141 

English   language.     This  impediment  will  be   removed  under  the  supervision 
of  the  Probation  Officer  to  whom  the  boy  is  assigned. 

"One  boy's  unemployment  can  be  charged  up  to  his  ignorance  of  the 
English  language.  This  impediment  will  be  removed  under  the  supervision 
of  the  Probation  Officer  to  whom  the  boy  is  assigned. 

"Among  the  boys  assigned  to  me  are  five  who  are  employed  on  farms. 
At  least  two  of  these  are  of  low  mentality,  and  were  a  constant  menace  to  the 
boys  in  their  neighborhoods  when  they  lived  in  the  city.  Apparently  country 
life  is  the  best  obtainable  environment  for  such  boys. 

"There  are  of  course  many  factors  which  are  not  disclosed  by  figures. 
Many  a  boy  would  not  have  quit  a  position,  or  would  have  found  one  when 
out  of  work  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  his  companions  are  not  working. 
The  unemployment  of  one  boy  is  a  strong  factor  in  encouraging  other  boys 
to  be  idle. 

"In  one  of  my  boys  is  an  instance  of  a  lad  who,  through  contact  with 
the  Juvenile  Court,  secured  a  job  in  a  printing  plant,  and  to  the  surprise  of 
his  parents  and  neighbors,  worked  for  about  a  year  steadily.  Perhaps  this 
boy  did  not  get  the  "right  kind  of  a  job"  until  he  was  adjudged  a  delinquent 
and  was  placed  on  probation. 

"While  we  are  endeavoring  to  place  every  boy  of  working  age,  it  should 
not  be  forgotten  that  some  kinds  of  employment  are  worse  for  the  boy  than 
no  employment  at  all.  As  a  case  in  point:  worked  as  a  messen- 
ger for  the  Western  Upion  Telegraph  Company.  Through  the  medium  of 
his  job,  he  was  introduced  to  a  knowledge  of  the  drug  traffic  and  prostitu- 
tion. Since  he  quit  this  occupation  his  health  has  improved,  he  sleeps  at 
home,  bathes  regularly,  and  has  become  a  manly   fellow. 

"Quite  a  number  of  boys  and  their  parents,  as  well,  cannot  understand 
the  school  certificate  requirement  of  the  child  labor  law.  Many  a  boy  will 
be  unemployed  because  he  fails  to  exchange  his  original  certificate  issued 
for  a  certificate  issued  at  the  Jones  School.  And  many  a  boy,  who  has  lost, 
destroyed  or  given  away  his  school  certificate,  has  not  the  courage  to  ask  for 
another,  and  he  will,  consequently,  remain  idle.  The  suggestion  offered  by 
Mr.  Sherman  Booth,  of  the  Association  of  Commerce,  to  take  the  certificate 
out  of  the  boy's  hands,  but  have  the  Board  of  Education  issue  the  certificate 
to  the  employer,  the  same  to  be  returned  to  the  Board  of  Education  when 
the   boy  leaves,  is  a  timely  one. 

"Since  Mr.  Nelson,  the  Chief  Factory  Inspector,  has  taken  office,  em- 
ployers have  informed  me  that  they  want  to  observe  the  child  labor  law 
strictly;  and  so  many  of  them  have  made  it  a  rule  not  to  employ  any  one 
under  sixteen  years  of  age.  The  employer  thinks  that  for  the  same  money 
he  can  get  a  sixteen-year-old  boy  to  work,  as  long  as  the  shop  is  open,  in 
excess  of  eight  hours,  without  becoming  liable  to  a  fine.  And  I  am  informed 
by  some  concerns  that  the  insurance  companies  which  underwrite  their  per- 
sonal injury  liabilities  specify  in  their  policies  that  no  boy  under  sixteen 
shall  be  employed  on  the  premises. 

"The  law  ought  to  be  amended  to  compel  every  child  to  attend  school 
until  he  is  sixteen  years  old.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  curricula  of  our 
school  will  have  to  be  revised  to  successfully  conform  to  such  a  change  in  the 
law.  Frequently  a  boy  will  not  learn  at  school,  and  the  older  he  grows  the 
less  interested  he  is  in  his  school  work.  The  curriculum  will  have  to  include 
a  variety  of  courses  that  have  a  vocational  trend. 

"Many  boys  who  agree  to  work  on  farms  come  back  soon  because  of  the 
low  wages  paid.  Perhaps  if  they  would  secure  jobs  on  farms  located  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  Chicago,  where  labor  is  less  plentiful,  they  could 
command  better  wages,  which  would  induce  them  to  stay  on  the  farm. 

"Several  institutions,  such  as  the  Lewis  Institute,  the  University  of  Chi- 
cago, the  Typothetae  Association,  and  R.  R.  Donnelly  &  Co.,  have  volun- 
teered to  co-operate  with  the  Juvenile  Court  by  placing  their  apprenticeship 
system  at  the  disposal  of  our  boys.  We  have  been  unable  to  take  advantage 
of  the  offer  because  most  of  the  boys  placed  on  probation  leave  school  in  the 
fifth,  sixth  and  seventh  grades.  It  is  the  exceptional  boy  who  has  a  grammar 
school  diploma.  And  the  boy  qualified  to  take  an  apprentice  course  is  gen- 
erally able  to  find  a  job  that  pays  two  or_  three  dollars  aweek  more,  and  this 
increase  in  income  lures  the  boy  to  the  job  that  gets  him  nowhere,  in  pref- 
erence to  the  apprenticeship  with  a  future. 

"A   few   recommendations   in   connection   with   the   Juvenile   Court's   en- 


142  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

deavor  to  find  positions  for  its  dependent  and  delinquent  boys  suggest  them- 
selves: 

1.  "To  install  two  telepliones,  one  to  be  used  exclusively  for  calling  up 
employers. 

2.  "To  answer  all  blind  'ads'  for  boys  by  dropping  a  prepared  form  in  the 
box  for  the  advertiser.  This  form  should  briefly  explain  why  the  Juvenile 
Court  desires  the  co-operation  of  employers  in  finding  jobs  for  the  Court's 
boys. 

3.  "Constant  advertising  by  arranging  to  have  each  boy  present  a  leaflet 
tc  the  prospective  employer. 

4.  "An  arrangement  with  the  Board  of  Education  to  change  its  telephone 
system,  so  that  when  a  police  or  probation  officer  sees  a  'Boy  Wanted'  sign, 
he  can  walk  up  to  the  nearest  school  and  telephone  the  information  to  the 
Juvenile  Court's  employment  head. 

5.  "The  reservation  of  a  room  where  the  boy  may  read,  dress,  wash  and 
make  himself  neat  generally.  And,  following  the  precedent  established  by 
the  State  of  New  York  in  paying  the  railroad  fare  when  sending  an  unem- 
ployed man  to  a  job  at  a  distance.  Cook  County  should  furnish  the  noon  hour 
meal  and  the  necessary  carfare  for  the  boy  sent  by  the  Court  to  and  from  a 
prospective  employer. 

"In  closing  this  letter,  I  want  to  draw  your  attention  to  the  fact  that 
my  experience  in  securing  jobs  for  boys  bears  out  the  proposition  that,  in 
the  main,  every  job  secured  by  our  boys  lessens  the  number  of  jobs  for  the 
army  of  boys  looking  for  work,  thus  not  affecting  the  total  number  of  unem- 
ployed boys  by  the  above  artificial  endeavor  to  find  work  for  boys.  This 
lesson  was  strongly  impressed  upon  me  when  at  one  time  I  rushed  in  front  of 
a  sign  'Boy  Wanted,'  for  fear  that  a  boy,  who  appeared  as  if  he  were  looking 
for  work,  would  come  near,  being  afraid  that  if  he  saw  the  sign  he  would 
walk  into  the  store  and  compete  with  my  boy  for  the  job.  One  of  the  boys 
understood  this  so  thoroughly  that  when  he  saw  this  sign  he  tore  it  off  the 
door  and  walked  up  with  it  under  his  arm  in  quest  of  the  job  without  fear  of 
competition. 

"This  certainly  would  tend  to  lead  me  to  believe  that  our  work  is  futile. 
But  when  we  bear  in  mind  that  society  can  better  afiford  to  have  ten  moral 
boys  out  of  work  than  an  equal  number  of  boys  who  are  delinquent,  a  more 
cheerful  aspect  presents  itself." 

CONCLUSION    AND    RECOMMENDATIONS. 

The  data  and  the  correspondence  included  in  the  foregoing  pages  em- 
phasizes several  points  for  consideration. 

We  have  no  adequate  knowledge  of  the  youths  for  whom  we  seek  em- 
ployment. It  is  futile  to  look  for  good  results  from  the  haphazard  employ- 
ment of  subnormal  youths.  Only  five  of  the  subnormal  cases  described  in 
Mr.  Levin's  letter  had  had  their  conditions  definitely  diagnosed  in  the  Psycho- 
pathic Institute.  It  was  left  for  casual  observation,  subsequent  to  admission 
to  probation,  to  determine  the  condition  of  the  remainder.  This  ought  not 
tn  be  so.  Before  any  boy  is  admitted  to  probation,  he  should  be  detained  in 
a  suitable  home  for  a  period  sufficiently  long  to  enable  a  corps  of  well-trained 
specialists  to  make  a  searching  analysis  of  his  mental  and  physical  condition, 
and  his  vocational  aptitudes.  That  is  not  a  fifteen  minute  task.  When  such 
analysis  and  recommendations  based  thereupon  are  in  the  hands  of  a  well 
organized  place-finding  department  of  the  Juvenile  Probation  Office,  we 
should  be  in  a  position  to  place  the  juvenile  probationer  into  better  than 
"blind  alley"  jobs.  At  any  rate,  such  jobs  should  not  figure  so  prominently  in 
the  occupation  of  probationary  youths  as  they  do  at  present,  and  the  hope- 
less condition  set  forth  in  Tables  I  and  III  above,  showing  the  inconstancy 
of  employment  among  the  wards  of  the  Juvenile  Court,  should  be  relieved. 
To  this  end,  as  suggested  in  Mr.  Levin's  letter  above,  co-operation  with  em- 
ployers must  be  secured,  and  it  must  be  a  part  of  the  business  of  police 
officers  to  assist  in  keeping  the  Probation  Office  informed  of  opportunities  for 
employment  in  their  respective  districts.  Plans  for  the  wider  social  use  of 
the  police  in  this  and  other  respects  are  being  developed  in  New  York  City, 
and,   according  to  report,  in  Los  Angeles,   as  well. 

At  the  best,  however,  suitable  employment  of  youths  just  above  four- 
teen   years    of   age   at   gainful    occupations    in    inevitably   a   hard   problem   by 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  143 

reason  of  youth,  if  for  no  other  cause.  The  problem  would  be  canceled  to  a 
great  degree  by  extending  the  period  of  compulsory  education  to  sixteen 
years  and  ultimately  to  eighteen  years  of  age;  by  extending  opportunities  for 
public  vocational  education  which,  as  experience  in  Chicago  already  indicates, 
will  keep  many  a  youth  in  school  who  would  otherwise  be  out  in  the  streets 
with  no  healthful  interest  to  steady  his  career.  This  statement  is  supported 
by  the  following  extract  from  the  1914  Year  Book  of  the  Lane  Technical 
High  School: 

"On  September  24,  1912,  the  Prevocational  department  was  organized  in 
the  Lane  Technical  School  with  an  assignment  of  152  boys.  Each  boy  had 
previously  taken  the  required  examination — an  examination  significant  only 
as  a  factor  in  determining  in  what  grade  he  shall  be  placed.  The  students 
who  are  eligible  are  boys  of  fourteen  years  who  have  not  finished  the  sixth 
grade,  and  the  boys  of  fifteen  or  more  who  have  not  completed  the  seventh 
or  eighth  grades.  It  does  not  naturally  follow  that  these  boys  are  mentally 
defective.  The  following  extracts  from  the  survey  of  causes  show  that  finan- 
cial conditions,  change  of  residence,  illness,  travel,  discouragement,  or  lack 
of  application  and  interest  have  interrupted  their  progress. 

"  'I  had  trouble  with  a  teacher  in  fourth  grade  and  then  all  the  teachers 
had  it  in  for  me.' 

"  '  My  twin  brother  is  in  second  year  High  School  and  I  am  only  in  low 
seventh.  My  people  say  it  is  because  I  am  the  weak  twin.  But  I  can  do  all 
the  athletic  games  better  than  my  brother.  The  teachers  at  Lane  say  I  am 
all  right.' 

"  'I  had  an  operation  performed  and  I  was  sick  for  a  month.  Then  I 
went  to  Europe  for  two  months.  When  I  came  back  I  had  to  go  into  a  low 
grade.' 

"  'I  had  to  leave  school  when  I  was  fourteen  because  my  father  couldn't 
get  any  work.     I  was  out  for  two  years.' 

"  'My  father  is  a  traveling  man  and  I  have  lived  in  thirteen  towns.  That 
is  one  reason  why  I  am  behind.' 

"  'I  was  always  in  trouble  with  the  teachers.  My  father  got  tired  of  com- 
ing to  school  and  he  was  going  to  put  me  to  work.  Then  the  principal  told 
him  of  the  Lane  and  I  came  here.  My  record  has  been  good  for  a  year  and 
a  half.' 

"  'I  quit  school  when  I  was  fourteen  and  in  the  sixth  grade.  I  couldn't 
get  along  with  the  teachers,  and  I  wasn't  interested  because  we  had  to  wait 
and  listen  while  a  whole  class  read  the  same  lesson.  I  used  to  read'  library 
books,  and  that  made  the  teacher  sore.  I  got  a  pretty  good  job  near  my 
home.  I  had  to  make  temperature  records  in  a  chemical  institute.  I  got  as 
high  as  twelve  dolars  some  weeks,  but  when  I  was  eighteen  I  couldn't  get  any 
more.  I  heard  of  the  Prevocational  department  for  backward  boys  and  I 
came.  I  thought  I  could  get  chemistry,  but  I  didn't  know  enough  for  that, 
so  I  am  taking  all  the  academic  work  and  no  shop.  I  double  up  on  each  sub- 
ject. I  expect  to  get  through  in  June,  and  when  I  enter  High  School  I  shall 
try   and   specialize   in   chemistry. 

"  'I  had  to  quit  school  when  I  was  twelve.  I  was  large  for  my  age  and 
it  was  easy  to  get  work.  I  helped  my  mother  to  support  five  other  children 
until  I  was  eighteen  years  old.     Then  my  mother  let  me  start  out  for  myself.' 

"  'I  came  to  Chicago  and  I  found  I  was  handicapped  because  I  had  had 
so  little  schooling.  One  day  I  got  a  pretty  good  night  job  in  a  drug  store. 
I  got  it  through  the  Y.  M'.  C.  A.  agency.  I  had  plenty  of  time  on  my  hands 
then,  for  I  only  worked  from  five  to  twelve  o'clock  at  night.  Every  day  I 
had  to  pass  a  school  and  I  could  see  the  pupils  inside,  and  I  got  to  thinking 
that  this  was  my  chance  to  get  an  education.  It  took  a  lot  of  courage  to 
begin,  and  I  was  discouraged,  for  my  size  and  awkwardness  gave  a  great  deal 
of  amusement  to  the  other  students.  I  decided  to  quit,  but  the  principal 
urged  me  to  enter  the  prevocational  class  at  Lane,  and  I  did.  I  have  felt 
at  home  from  the  start,  for  no  one  knows  what  class  you  belong  to  and  the 
boys  are   all  large.' 

"Restless  pupils  long  for  change  and  release  from  their  confinement,  but 
their  protests  are  classified  as  defiance  and  lawlessness  rather  than  an  appeal 
for  freedom.  The  record  of  one  boy  who  came  to  Lane  was  eighty-four 
weeks  and  one  month  in  one  grade  on  account  of  misconduct.  He  gave  no 
trouble   after  entering  Lane" 


144  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

It  should  be  optional  with  the  pupil  and  his  advisers  to  determine  at 
what  time,  if  at  all,  he  should  pass  from  the  regular  to  the  vocational  school, 
or  vice  versa.  The  school,  whether  or  not  it  is  of  vocational  nature,  ought 
to  be  a  better  character  builder  than  the  best  form  of  gainful  occupation  that 
the  boy  of  fourteen  to  sixteen  years  of  age  can  enter,  because  of  the  system- 
atic exercise  that  it  enforces  during  the  habit-building  period.  The  vocational 
school  holds  many  to  a  systematic  regimen  whom  the  regular  school  allows 
to  slip  away,  and  the  converse  is  true  also.  Those  habits  and  ideals  of  in- 
dustry, of  seriousness,  etc.,  the  sum  total  of  which  is  nearly  or  quite  all  of 
character,  are  worth  more  than  a  knowledge  of  either  Latin  or  mechanical 
drawing.  It  ill  becomes  the  friends  of  one  type  of  education  to  cavil  at 
another  type  provided  only  that  boys  and  girls  are  not  slipping  away  from 
systematic,  character  building  exercise,  but  are  standing  by  them  interestedly 
and  persistently. 

But  even  with  the  extension  of  the  period  of  compulsory  education,  we 
will  still  have  to  struggle  with  the  employment  problem,  including  that  of  the 
inconstant  employment  of  youths  on  probation.  The  part  time  night  or  day 
school  should  assist  in  its  solution.  It  is  easily  within  the  range  of  pos- 
sibility to  compel  every  youthful  probationer  at  least,  to  attend  a  part  time 
school  each  day  or  night  during  the  term  of  his  probation.  In  these  schools 
emphasis  should  rest  upon  stimulating  talks,  demonstrations,  etc.,  relating  to 
the  work  that  engages  the  youths.  One  of  the  immediate  aims  should  be  to 
show  each  youth  what  are  the  outlooks  from  his  particular  occupation;  what 
possibilities  for  reward  of  diligent  service  it  offers.  A  youth  who  enters  at 
the  bottom  in  a  large  establishment  may  be  bewildered  and  discouraged 
because  he  is  blind  to  the  way  up. 

It  is  now  apparent  that  the  study  of  the  mental  and  physical  condition 
and  vocational  aptitudes  of  prospective  juvenile  probationers,  which  has  been 
suggested  above,  is  only  a  part  of  a  much  wider  problem.  Such  examinations 
for  vocational  guidance  and  weeding  out  the  unfit  should  be  prosecuted 
throughout  the  school  population  in  an  intensive  way,  and  repeatedly.  A 
beginning  of  such  guidance  has  been  made  in  Chicago.  For  illustration,  we 
quote   here   from   the   1914   Year   Book   of  the    Lane   Technical    High   School: 

"The  work  consists  of  a  study  (1)  of  the  boy,  his  likes,  his  natural  apti- 
tudes, his  character,  his  parents'  plan  for  him,  and  his  teachers'  opinions  of 
him.  .  .  .  We  depend  upon  the  elementary  school  from  which  the  boy 
comes  to  give  us  facts  about  the  neighborhood  life  and  the  home  life  which 
the  high  school  cannot  readily  obtain. 

"We  make  a  study  (2)  of  the  industrial  opportunities  open  to  boys  and 
of  the  sort  of  work  which  should  be  avoided — the  so-called  'blind-alley'  trades 
which  have  no  future — and  the  work  of  large  initial  wage,  which  is  detri- 
mental to  his  future.  This  work  is  done  by  the  study  of  the  industries,  by 
visits  to  factories,  by  lectures  given  by  business  men,  and  by  the  'part  time' 
scheme — a  scheme  in  which  boys  work  and  go  to  school  alternate  weeks. 
Lane  at  present  has  the  co-operation  of  several  hundred  local  firms  in  the 
Vocational  Guidance  and  Placement  Plans.  Five  firms,  the  Chicago  Tele- 
phone Company,  the  Western  Electric  Company,  the  Automatic  Electric 
Company,  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company,  and  the  Commonwealth 
Edison  Company,  are  co-operating  in  the  part  time  project. 

(3)  "The  next  step  in  the  problem  of  vocational  guidance  is  that  of 
keeping  a  sort  of  guardianship  over  the  boy  for  a  time,  and  of  acting  as  an 
intermediary  between  him  and  his  employer.  For  this  we  must  depend  upon 
the  boy's  keeping  the  department  informed  of  his  progress  or  lack  of 
progress." 

This  work  should  ultimately  develop  into  intensive  investigation  of  each 
pupil  by  trained  specialists  comprising  a  Bureau  of  Vocational  Guidance. 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  145 

IV 

THE  DEFENSE  OF  POOR  PERSONS  ACCUSED 
OF  CRIME  IN  CHICAGO 


The  defense  in  our  criminal  courts  of  a  person  accused  of  crime  financially 
unable  to  employ  an  attorney,  is  intrusted  to  a  lawyer  appointed  by  the  judge 
before  whom  the  prisoner  is  arraigned  for  indictment.  At  a  recent  arraign- 
ment of  twenty-seven  persons,  after  indictment  in  the  Criminal  Court,  fourteen 
asked  the  court  to  appoint  attorneys  to  defend  them,  as  they  were  unable  to 
employ  lawyers  themselves.  Twelve  had  engaged  counsel  and  one  asked 
that  he  be  allowed  to  plead  his  own  case.  The  judge  made  his  selections 
from  the  list  of  lawyers  who  handed  in  their  business  cards  to  him,  thus  indi- 
cating that  they  were  willing  to  accept  an  appointment.  The  attorneys  volun- 
teering for  this  service  are,  as  a  rule,  either  young,  inexperienced  lawyers, 
who  wish  in  this  way  to  gain  experience  in  the  handling  of  criminal  cases,  or 
criminal  lawyers  of  only  mediocre  ability. 

The  attorney  assigned  by  the  court  receives  no  compensation  for  his 
services  and  there  is  therefore  little  incentive  for  him  to  properly  prepare  the 
case  for  trial.  The  Bar  Association  is  commenting  on  the  present  system 
and  says  in  its  report  for  1913,  "defense  under  our  present  system  of  appoint- 
ment is  inadequate,  particularly  because  of  the  lack  of  preparation.  Counsel 
so  appointed  usually  has  no  time  to  make  adequate  preparation,  and  possibly 
has  no  inclination  to  do  it.  Preparation  as  to  the  law  of  the  case  does  not 
matter  so  much,  but  preparation  getting  facts  is  extremely  important.  The 
court  may  try  to  exercise  special  diligence  in  securing  precise  justice  for 
defendants  unable  to  employ  counsel,  but  he  is  more  or  less  helpless  unless 
all  the  facts  can  be  presented."  In  cases  where  the  accused  is  financially 
unable  to  employ  counsel  the  situation  is  made  more  serious  by  the  fact  that 
the  accused  is  ordinarily  confined  in  jail,  being,  of  course,  unable  to  furnish 
bail,  and  is  therefore  unable  to  help  in  the  preparation  of  his  own  case.  He 
furthermore  has  no  means  to  employ  any  one  to  gather  the  necessary  facts 
in  the  case  so  that  his  attorney  may  present  his  side  of  the  case  to  the  jury. 
The  public  defender  of  Los  Angeles,  in  speaking  of  the  need  of  proper 
preparation  for  the  poor  person  confined  in  jail  awaiting  trial  in  the  criminal 
courts,  said,  "probably  the  class  of  cases  that  calls  for  the  service  of  the  public 
defender  most  is  that  class  where  it  is  necessary  to  do  some  investigating  to 
verify  the  stories  of  the  accused  and  to  find  witnesses  in  his  or  their  behalf. 
Often  a  defendant,  upon  asserting  his  innocence,  will  give  the  names  of  wit- 
nesses who  might  testify  to  facts  tending  to  substantiate  his  contention.  If 
no  means  are  provided  for  making  investigation,  or  for  examining  witnesses 
for  him,  and  if  the  attorney  appointed  by  the  court  and  working  without  pay 
does  not  care  to  do  this  work,  the  accused  will  be  left  without  proper  repre- 
sentation and  all  the  facts  will  not  be  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  jury." 
The  position  of  the  accused  should  be  contrasted  with  the  facilities  furnished 
the  prosecution  by  the  state,  or  with  the  protection  the  accused  would  have 
from  the  law  if  he  were  able,  as  a  matter  of  dollars  and  cents,  to  remain  out 
of  jail  until  he  was  actually  found  guilty  and  to  provide  himself  with  able 
counsel  so  that  the  facts  and  law  favorable  to  him  could  also  be  put  before 
the  jury  for  consideration. 

The  practice  now  in  vogue  of  assigning  attorneys  to  defend  prisoners 
without  compensation,  also  places  a  premium  upon  -the  entry_  of  a  plea  of 
guilty  by  the  attorney  so  as  to  avoid  the  trouble  and  loss  of  time  incidental 
to  the  trying  of  the  case.  This  was  illustrated  in  a  case  tried  in  the  East 
Chicago  Avenue  branch  of  the  Municipal  Court,  at  which  the  writer  was 
present.  A  young  man  on  trial  for  larceny  who  was  without  funds  asked  the 
judge  to  appoint  an  attorney  to  defend  him.  The  attorney  assigned  to  the 
case,  who  happened  to  be  in  the  courtroom  on  another  matter  at  the  time, 
consulted  with  the  prisoner  for  less  than  five  minutes  and  then  asked  the 
court  to  enter  a  plea  of  guilty  to  a  less  serious  offense  which  did  not  require 
that  the  case  be  tried  in  the  Criminal  Court.  The  judge  then  sentenced  the 
young  man  to  a  year  in  the  Bridewell.  It  ^yas  apparent  to  the  on-looker  that 
the  attorney  had  little  opportunity  to  go   into  the  details  of  such  a  serious 


146  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

case  in  such  a  short  time  as  the  attorney  devoted  to  the  matter,  and  the 
prisoner  did  not  have  full  opportunity  to  present  his  case  with  proper  legal 
advice.  Lawyers  acquainted  with  Criminal  Court  practice  are  of  the  opinion 
that  .guilty  pleas  are  often  entered  after  but  little  attention  to  the  case  by 
the  attorneys  with  the  view  of  getting  through  with  the  unprofitable  case  as 
soon  as  possible. 

The  present  method  of  assigning  unpaid  counsel  to  the  defense  of  pris- 
oners, besides  frequently  resulting  in  inadequate  defense  of  the  accused  per- 
sons because  of  the  inexperience  of  counsel,  or  his  inability  or  disinclination 
to  give  the  same  attention  to  the  case  as  to  that  of  a  private  client,  frequently 
gives  an  unscrupulous  attorney  an  opportunity  to  exploit  the  friends  or  family 
of  the  prisoner.  Attorneys  assigned  by  the  court,  after  investigating  the  re- 
sources of  the  prisoner's  family  or  friends,  may,  if  they  find  it  worth  while, 
bring  pressure  to  bear  upon  them  so  as  to  secure  a  fee  for  their  legal  services. 
This  is  frequently  done  by  continuing  the  case  at  the  request  of  the  attorney 
on  the  plea  that  he  is  gathering  evidence  for  the  defense  and  the  accused  is 
kept  in  jail  awaiting  trial  an  unusually  long  period  until  the  fee  is  forthcoming 
from  the  prisoner's  friends. 

The  need  for  an  improvement  in  the  practice  of  the  defense  of  persons 
accused  of  crime  is  not  measured  only  by  the  number  of  cases  in  which  the 
judge  assigns  counsel  because  the  prisoner  has  prior  to  his  arraignment  been 
unable  to  employ  one.  Unscrupulous  lawyers,  either  through  arrangements 
with  professional  bondsmen,  or  by  taking  advantage  of  the  serious  position  in 
which  a  poor  person  accused  of  crime  and  ignorant  of  the  workings  of  our 
judicial  machinery  finds  himself,  have  taken  advantage  of  the  situation  to 
exploit  the  prisoners  or  their  friends.  The  prisoner  is  frequently  forced  to 
pay  fees  incommensurate  with  the  services  rendered  and  his  family  is  put  to 
very  heavy  expense,  which  in  many  cases  proves  a  serious  financial  burden, 
in  order  to  provide  adequate  defense.  Instances  are  on  record  where  attor- 
neys of  this  kind  have  forgotten  their  clients  after  the  initial  fee  has  been 
paid,  and  have  paid  no  further  attention  to  the  case,  or  where  they  have  even 
suggested  the  plea  of  guilty  so  that  their  work  in  connection  with  the  case 
could  be  reduced  to  a  minimum. 

A  number  of  cases  illustrating  this  system  have  been  collected  by  social 
workers  of  the  County  Bureau  of  Public  Welfare  detailed  at  the  County  Jail 
and  are  here  presented: 

John  Schmidt,  17  years  old,  1543  Clifton  Park  Avenue,  was  held  to  the 
grand  jury  on  a  charge  of  burglary,  after  a  preliminary  hearing  in  the  Boys' 
Court,  August  24,  1914. 

His  father,  Charles  Schmidt,  stated  that  Attorney  C.  D.  Bradley  came  to 
him  at  the  county  jail  and  offered  to  take  John's  case.  Mr.  Schmidt  paid 
fiim  $25.00,  taking  a  receipt  which  he  still  holds.  Later  he  went  to  Mr.  Brad- 
ley's rooms  as  given  on  his  letterhead,  1214  Ashland  Block,  but  was  informed 
that  Mr.  Bradley  was  not  located  there.  I  telephoned  Central  776  (telephone 
number  given  on  INIr.  Bradley's  letterhead)  and  found  it  to  be  the  firm  of 
Burres  &  Wamsley.  They  informed  me  that  Mr.  Bradley  had  desk  room  in 
their  office  two  years  ago  and  a  few  times  since  for  a  day  or  two,  but  that  he 
has  not  any  right  to  use  their  rooms  and  telephone  number  on  his  letterhead. 
They  have  had  frequent  complaints  of  him^  and  say  he  is  not  to  be  trusted; 
that  he  hangs  around  Criminal  Court  most  of  the  time.  I  have  never  been  able 
to  reach  Mr.  Bradley  at  his  home  telephone.  Rogers  Park  5273. 

Julius  Kerhove,  cell  625,  county  jail,  told  his  attorney  that  he  paid  an 
Italian  bondsman,  1837  W.  Van  Buren  Street,  to  secure  his  release  on  bond. 
When  he  was  indicted,  his  bond  was  raised  and  he  paid  him  $50  more;  yet  a 
very  short  time  later  his  bondsman  surrendered  him  and  he  is  now  in  jail. 

Wm.  E.  Buckney,  224  N.  California  Avenue,  an  attorney,  having  secured 
as  a  client  the  boy  referred  to  above,  suggested  to  his  widowed  mother,  62 
years  of  age,  living  at  146  N.  Hermitage  Avenue,  that  she  sell  her  turniture  in 
order  to  pay  him.  To  this  the  boy  objected  and  took  his  case  from  Mr. 
Buckner's  hands. 

Mr.  Buckner  was  counsel  for  three  boys  implicated  in  a  robbery — Walter 
Gukzynski,  1623  W.  17th  Street,  whose  parents  live  at  2846  S.  Throol^  Street; 
John  Wass,  2815  S.  Kolin  Avenue,  and  A.  Guzynski,  boy  whose  address  I  can- 
not find.  He  secured  about  $50  in  all  and  because  he  could  not  get  more, 
quietly  told  the  judge  that  they  were  a  "bad  lot." 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  147 

These  lawyers  and  bondsmen  also  take  their  places  in  the  entrance  to 
the  jail;  as  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  prisoners  come  in  they  engage  in 
conversation  with  them.  By  appearing  to  show  interest  and  sympathy  for 
the  ones  in  trouble  they  get  at  the  finanacial  situation  in  the  family,  which  aids 
them  in  deciding  whether  the  case  is  worth  going  after  or  not. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  practice  of  defending  poor  persons  by  unpaid  counsel 
has  not  resulted  in  giving  them  an  adequate  defense,  which  they  are  supposed 
to  be  given  under  the  law.  It  is  to  be  expcted  that  a  system  which  penalizes 
a  conscientious  attorney  who  accepts  an  appointment  and  which  offers  no  in- 
centive to  the  attorney  handling  the  case  for  the  faithful  performance  of 
his  duty  would  necessarily  result  in  placing  a  handicap  upon  the  poor 
person  in  securing  justice  in  the  Criminal  Court.  Certain  measures  have 
been  taken  under  private  auspices  to  meet  this  situation  in  this  city.  The 
Bar  Association  sent  out  a  circular  in  1913  to  those  of  its  members  who  were 
acquainted  with  criminal  practice  asking  them  to  volunteer  to  act  as  counsel 
when  a  person  too  poor  to  pay  an  attorney  was  arraigned  in  court.  About 
35  members  of  the  association  responded  to  this  letter  and  volunteered  their 
services  in  one  or  more  cases  and  the  chief  justice  of  the  Criminal  Court  made 
assignments  off  this  list  until  it  was  exhausted.  The  results  obtained  under 
this  system  were  very  much  better  than  under  the  usual  plan  of  assigning 
an  attorney  in  the  ordinary  manner,  but  the  success  of  this  plan  depends 
solely  upon  the  co-operation  of  public-spirited  lawyers  who  are  willing  to 
give  their  time  and  ability  to  this  kind  of  charitable  service. 

The  Legal  Aid  Society  has  also  done  some  work  along  this  line.  It  is 
represented  by  an  attorney  stationed  in  the  Boys'  Court,  who  presents  the 
law  and  facts  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  defendant  and  advises  others  com- 
ing into  this  court  as  to  their  legal  rights  and  co-operates  with  the  court 
and  the  probation  officer  in  the  handling  of  cases.  During  the  period  this 
attorney  has  been  in  the  Boys'  Court,  approximately  75  boys  have  been  de- 
fended by  the  attorney  each  month.  When  cases  are  transferred  from  this 
court  to  the  Criminal  Court  the  representative  of  the  Legal  Aid  Society  makes 
arrangements  for  an  attorney,  if  that  is  necessary  under  the  circumstances. 
I  have  been  informed,  also,  that  the  facts  gathered  by  this  lawyer  in  the  pre- 
liminary investigation  of  the  case  have  in  many  instances  been  helpful  to  the 
judge  in  settling  the  case  and  to  the  other  administrative  agencies,  such  as 
probation  officers,  in  following  up  the  case  after  decision  has  been  made.  The 
experience  in  this  court  has  been  that  preliminary  investigations  of  this 
kind,  conducted  so  as  to  give  a  fair  trial  to  the  defendant,  are  very  helpful 
to  the  court  and  to  the  probation  officers  in  making  proper  disposal  of  the 
case. 

The  County  of  Los  Angeles  has,  under  new  charter  of  1913,  put  on  effi- 
cient basis  the  defense  of  poor  persons  in  the  courts  though  the  creation  of 
the  position  of  Public  Defender.  Under  the  provisions  of  the  Los  Angeles 
law  the  public  defender  represents  every  person  accused  of  any  offense  in  the 
Superior  Court  (analagous  to  our  Criminal  Court)  who  is  financially  unable 
to  employ  an  attorney,  upon  the  request  of  the  prisoner  or  upon  order  of  the 
court;  prosecutes  appeals  in  proper  cases;  and,  on  the  civil  side,  handles 
cases,  where  the  claim  does  not  exceed  $100,  for  poor  people.  In  the  civil 
cases  the  office  of  the  public  defender  may  represent  either  the  plaintiff  or 
the  defendant.  No  provision  is  made,  under  the  present  law,  for  the  appear- 
ance of  the  public  defender  in  the  police  courts.  A  volunteer  defender  is 
now  at  work  in  the  police  courts  and  an  amendment  extending  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  defender  to  these  courts  is  recommended  by  those  who  are  ac- 
quainted with  the  work  of  the  public  defender  in  the  higher  courts.  The 
public  defender  and  his  deputies  are  appointed  from  a  civil  service  eligible  list 
after  examination. 

Walton  J.  Woods,  Public  Defender  of  Los  Angeles,  says  in  regard  to  the 
work  of  his  office: 

"In  Los  Angeles  the  district  attorney  and  the  public  defender  are  working 
harmoniously  together.  We  are  doing  what  the  district  attorney  tried  to  do 
in  many  cases  but  which,  on  account  of  conditions  which  could  not  be  over- 
come, he  was  unable  to  do.  We  are  daily  advising  the  accused  of  their  rights. 
We  are  informing  them  of  the  law  covering  the  crime  of  which  they  may  be 
charged.  We  are  listening  to  their  side  of  the  story  and  are  bringing  out 
whatever  points  there  may  be  in  favor  of  the  defendants,  at  the  same  time 
doing  nothing  to  hamper  or  delay  the  administration  of  justice.     Many  of  our 


148  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

clients  come  by  recommendation  from  the  office  of  the  district  attorney, 
others  come  from  officials  at  the  county  jail  and  others  at  the  request  of  the 
judges. 

"I  call  attention  to  the  statement  in  the  letter  of  Judge  Willis  that  our 
office  'has  been  a  great  saving  to  the  county  in  the  matter  of  expense.* 
This  is  a  very  remarkable  statement,  yet  I  believe  it  is  absolutely  true.  We 
have  had  a  number  of  cases  dismissed  by  talking  frankly  with  the  district 
attorney  and  showing  him  that  a  trial  would  result  in  acquital.  He  has,  in 
such  cases,  dismissed  the  prosecution.  In  other  cases  we  have  been  able  to 
avoid  delays,  and  by  having  attorneys  who  are  familiar  with  criminal  pro- 
cedure in  court  at  all  times,  the  court  has  been  able  to  dispatch  business  much 
more  rapidly.  In  the  matter  of  expense  the  same  condition  to  some  extent 
prevails  in  the  civil  department  of  our  work,  where  we  relieve  the  courts  of 
many  congested  cases  by  adjusting  them  without  filing  suit." 

The  appointment  of  a  public  defender  in  Chicago,  with  powers  and  duties 
in  the  Criminal  Courts,  similar  to  the  public  defender  of  Los  Angeles,  has 
been  endorsed  by  Chief  Justice  Kersten  of  the  Criminal  Court,  Chief  Justice 
Olson  of  the  Municipal  Court,  Dean  Wigmore  and  others,  to  whom  the  ques- 
tion has  been  presented.  It  would  be  the  function  of  the  public  defender 
to  defend  and  give  legal  advice  and  assistance  to  all  persons  who  are  held  to 
the  Criminal  Court  and  who  are  unable  to  hire  counsel.  The  existence  of 
such  official  in  Chicago  would  provide  an  efficient  and  adequate  means  of  de- 
fense for  indigent  persons  accused  of  crime  and  should  lessen  considerably  the 
"shyster"  lawyer  business  in  connection  with  our  Criminal  Courts.  Some  pro- 
vision should  also  be  made  to  assist  prisoners  in  the  police  courts  in  bringing 
out  their  side  of  the  story  to  the  court.  The  procedure  in  the  Municipal  Courts 
is  not  as  technical  as  in  the  Criminal  Court  and  the  need  of  a  legal  adviser 
for  defendants  is  not  so  apparent.  If  lawyers  are  not  assigned  to  these  courts, 
arrangements  should  be  made  for  the  appointment  of  investigators  who  can 
gather  the  facts  in  regard  to  cases  so  that  substantial  justice  for  the  defendant 
may  be  secured.  The  precedent  established  at  Los  Angeles  in  selecting  the 
public  defender  and  his  assistants  on  a  civil  service  basis  should  be  followed. 


UNDERLYING    CAUSES    OF    CRIME  149 

V 

GENERAL  SUMMARY   OF   CONCLUSIONS  REACHED 
IN  THE  COURSE  OF  THIS  INVESTIGATION 


1.  Of  61  women  offenders  at  the  House  of  Correction,  50%  suffer  from 
such  profound  nervous  disturbances  that  prolonged  treatment  is  necessary  to 
place  them  in  such  a  physical  condition  that  there  can  be  reasonable  certainty 
of  their  adjusting  themselves  to  normal  conditions  of  life. 

Of  these  61,  45  suffer  from  venereal  infection. 

The  mental  condition  of  these  61  prisoners  and  of  65  others,  a  total  of 
126,  is  of  the  moron  class. 

One-half  of  this  total  group  has  been  committed  either  to  the  House  of 
Correction,  or  to  other  similar  institutions  elsewhere,  more  than  twice. 

The  mental  condition  of  the  entire  group  is  such  as  to  make  it  probable 
that  after  they  shall  have  served  their  short  terms  here  they  will  still  be 
sources  of  danger  to  the  health  of  the  community. 

Those  who  suffer  from  venereal  infection,  45,  will  be  a  danger  to  public 
health  on  their  release. 

2.  Of  132  men  patients  in  the  House  of  Correction  who  were  examined 
by  the  medical  staff  and  found  insane  between  January  1  and  August  20,  1914, 
56  were  committed  by  process  of  jury  to  institutions  for  the  insane.  The 
remaining  76  were  held  at  the  House  of  Correction  to  serve  out  the  terms  for 
which  they  were  committed  because  it  was  deemed  by  the  medical  staff  im- 
possible to  get  a  lay  jury  to  commit  them  to  an  insane  asylum;  this  for  the 
reason  that  to  the  inexpert  each  one  of  the  76  would  in  all  probability  appear 
sane. 

These  132  were  not  found  on  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  entire  popu- 
lation of  the  House  of  Correction.  They  are  only  among  those  who  because 
of  their  symptoms  were  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  staff.  The  probability 
is  (judging  by  experience  elsewhere)  that  all  those  who  have  been  committed 
four  or  more  times  are  suffering  from  mental  alienation.  If  this  is  true  we 
may  have  1,000  or  more  such  persons  in  the  House  of  Correction.  Judging 
again  by  experience  both  here  and  elsewhere  we  are  preventing  these  people 
from   committing  offenses  only  while  they  are   imprisoned. 

3.  The  letter  of  the  adult  probation  law  utterly  fails  to  establish  a  satis- 
factory criterion  of  fitness  for  probation.  Seventeen  cases  are  presented  of 
persons  who  have  made  good  during  a  period  of  at  least  14  months  since 
the  date  of  probation.  Yet,  under  the  probation  law  as  it  stands,  strictly 
applied,  they  should  have  been  denied  probation.  Thirteen  cases  are  pre- 
sented of  persons  who  have  in  the  past  been  admitted  to  probation  and  failed. 
At  the  time  at  which  the  investigation  was  made  they  were  in  the  House  of 
Correction.  If,  at  the  time  of  probation  their  mental  and  physical  condition 
approximated  present  conditions,  an  adequate  investigation  should  have  ex- 
cluded them  from  probation  and  the  city  should  have  been  spared  the  annoy- 
ance and  cost  of  a  repeated  offense,  arrest,  and  trial. 

Twenty  probation  officers  are  a  wholly  inadequate  force  to  handle  4,696 
probationers.  The  adult  probation  office  is  doing  the  best  it  can  in  the 
circumstances. 

4.  Of  63  boys  examined  in  the  John  Worthy  School  26%  are  certainly 
suffering  from  syphilitic  infection.     Thirteen  per  cent  are  doubtful  cases. 

The  Binet  test  on  34  of  these  boys  shows  that  14  are  retarded  4  years 
or  more. 

As  to  the  nervous  condition,  48  suffer  from  nystagmus;  15  from  inco- 
ordination; in  7  the  reflexes  are  changed. 

All  these  conditions  mean  that  the  individuals  to  whom  the  above  state- 
ments apply  cannot  be  put  into  a  normal  condition  without  prolonged  and 
special  attention.  They  will  be  a  menace  to  safety  and  health  as  long  as  these 
conditions  prevail. 

Farm  colonies  could  be  provided  and  maintained  for  such  cases  as  these, 
for  the  insane  and  others  described  in  Section  A  and  B,  Part  I,  and  for  those 
who  but  for  the  condition  of  their  mind  and  body  should  be  admitted  to  pro- 
bation.    The  construction  of  buildings  and  equipment — provided  the  inmates 


ISO  REPORT   OF    CRIME    COMMITTEE 

I 

are  employed  at  building,  etc.,  should  not  cost  at  a  higher  rate  per  population 
than  the  construction  and  equipment  at  the  District  of  Columbia  Workhouse 
at  Occaquan,  Va.  That  institution  accommodates  an  average  daily  popula- 
tion of  716  prisoners  and  oincers  and  the  estimated  value  of  buildings  and 
equipment  is  $tj57,847.00.  Ihe  net  cost  of  maintenance  for  the  population 
named  above  is  $0,489  a  day.  This  can  be  reduced  as  the  farm  increases  in 
productiveness. 

5.  Of  55  mentally  normal  juvenile  delinquents  who  passed  through  the 
Juvenile  Court  of  Cook  County  in  the  years  1910,  1911,  1912,  14.57o  have  made 
no  improvement;  9.1%  have  deteriorated;  29.17o  have  been  lost.  In  33  of 
these  cases  the  Juvenile  Psychopathic  Institute  made  a  recommendation  as  to 
treatment  or  disposition  by  the  court,  and  the  recommendation  was  followed. 
Of  these,  55.9/0  have  made  good;  17.6%  have  made  no  progress;  8.5%  have 
deteriorated;  17.2%  have  been  lost.  In  10  cases  the  recommendations  made 
by  the  Institute  was  not  followed.  Of  these  307o  have  made  good;  20%  have 
made  no  progress,  and  50%  have  been  lost.  As  to  the  remainder,  in  which 
no  recommendation  was  made,  33%  have  made  good;  11.1%  have  made  no 
progress;  22.2'%  have  deteriorated;  33y3%  have  been  lost.  The  above  review 
shows  an  advantage  on  the  side  of  following  the  recommendation  of  the 
Institute. 

Of  61  subnormal  cases  35  were  sent  to  the  Lincoln  State  School  and 
Colony  for  the  Feeble-minded  on  recommendation  of  the  Institute.  Of  these 
but  15  are  still  there;  4  ran  away;  15  have  been  released  on  requests  of  parents 
and  other  relatives,  and  2  have  been  discharged. 

Of  those  who  have  been  released  from  Lincoln  on  request  of  parents  and 
other  relatives  (15)  20%-  are  making  good;  40%  are  at  a  standstill;  20%  have 
deteriorated,  and  20%  have  been  lost.  Two  of  the  three  who  are  lost  were 
released   at   the   request   of   other   relatives   than   parents. 

Of  26  subnormal  cases  disposed  of  otherwise  than  by  a  Lincoln  commit- 
ment, only  7.7%  are  making  good;  42  3 7o  have  made  no  progress;  19.2%  have 
deteriorated,  and  23%^^  have  been  lost.  Two  of  the  26  have  died.  In  8  of 
these  cases  Lincoln  had  been  recommended  but  the  recommendation  was 
not  followed.  Each  of  these  eight  has  an  exceptionally  bad  history  subse- 
quent to  the  Juvenile  Court  record — with  one  possible  exception. 

The  general  outcome  of  this  study  is  favorable  to  (a)  securing  and  fol- 
lowing the  recommendations  of  the  Juvenile  Psychopathic  Institute,  at  any 
rate  in  doubtful  cases;  (b)  denying  to  parents  and  friends  jurisdiction  over 
children  who  have  been  sent  to  Lincoln  or  with  respect  to  whom  commitment 
to   Lincoln   has   been   advised   by  the   Institute. 

6.  Chicago  boys  in  the  St.  Charles  Reformatory — at  least  29  of  them  of 
whom  a  more  particular  study  was  made — have  a  history  in  the  records  of  the 
Child  Study  Bureau  of  the  Department  of  Education,  the  Psychopathic  Insti- 
tute, the  Probation  Office,  the  Parental  School,  and  in  St.  Charles  that  empha- 
sizes their  abnormality  and  the  need  of  a  study  of  paroled  boys  who  have 
been  sent  out  from  St.  Charles.  About  500  Chicago  boys  are  paroled  from 
St.  Charles  and  there  is  but  one  Parole  Officer.  No  one  can  give  a  satisfactory 
history  of  these  boys   subsequent  to  parole. 

Out  of  a  total  of  82  of  these  St.  Charles  Boys,  including  the  29  to  which 
extended  reference  has  been  made,  42  who  have  a  record  in  the  Psychopathic 
Institute  but  have  not  been  in  the  Parental  School,  and  11  others  who  have  a 
record  in  the  Child  Study  Department  but  have  not  been  in  Parental  School, 
54  are  unstable  mentally  or  physically  or  in  both  respects.  These  boys,  if  our 
conclusion  4  above  is  correct,  are  liable  to  failure  in  social  adjustment  as  long 
as    the   unfavorable    conditions   persist. 

7.  A  study  of  388  boys  on  probation  on  September  1.  1914,  and  during 
4  months  preceding  shows  that  134  of  them  worked  less  than  one-half  time; 
that  they  were  inconstant  in  employment;  that  the  feeble-minded  within  this 
group  are  without  occupation. 

Further  data  has  been  presented  that  is  suggestive  of  the  steadying  influ- 
ence of  a  vocational  element  in  education  upon  a  certain  type  of  boy. 

GENERAL  SUMMARY  OF  RECOMMENDATIONS 

1.  That  the  City  of  Chicago  and  the  State  of  Illinois  establish  farm 
colonies  (a)  for  adult  prisoners;  especially  for  several  times  repeated  offenders 
who  are  found  to  be  victims  of  feeble-mindedness  or  mental  alienation,  or  of 
infections  that  make  them  sources  of  danger  to  the  health  or  safety  of  the 


UNDERLYING   CAUSES   OF    CRIME  151 

community,  or  of  any  other  disorder  that,  in  the  judgment  of  psycho-patholog- 
ical and  medical  experts,  makes  it  impossible  for  them  to  adjust  themselves 
to  the  conditions  of  normal  life;  (b)  for  those  applicants  for  the  freedom 
of  adult  probation  who  are  declared  by  psycho-pathological  and  medical  ex- 
perts to  be  suffering  from  feeble-niindedness,  or  mental  alienation,  or  infec- 
tions that  make  them  sources  of  danger  to  the  health  or  safety  of  the  com- 
munity, or  of  any  other  disorder  that,  in  the  judgment  of  psycho-pathological 
and  medical  experts,  makes  it  impossible  for  them  to  adjust  themselves  to 
the  conditions  of  normal  life. 

2.  That  the  state  law  relating  to  the  transfer  to  an  insane  asylum  of 
prisoners  found  to  be  insane  in  the  state  penitentiaries  on  the  recommendation 
ot  the  prison  physician,  be  so  amended  as  to  apply  to  the  medical  staff  in  such, 
institutions  as  the  Chicago  House  of  Correction  and  to  the  Psychopathic 
Laboratory,  or  that  new  legislation  be  enacted  to  that  effect. 

3.  That  the  adult  probation  law  be  so  amended  as  to  make  it  obligatory 
upon  the  court  to  (a)  secure  from  probation  officers  a  written  report  on  a 
complete  investigation  of  each  applicant  for  probation,  touching  the  question 
of  previous  convictions,  arrests,  habits  of  life,  and  family  history,  (b)  Secure 
from  the  Psychopathic  Laboratory  a  complete  written  report  on  his  mental 
and  physical  condition,  (c)  File  these  reports  with  other  proceedings  in  each 
case,  (d)  Make  these  reports  decisive  in  determining  the  question  of  proba- 
tion within  the  limits  of  the  law.  (e)  Forbid  probation  in  cases  of  feeble- 
mindedness, insanity,  dangerous  infections,  and  such  unstable  conditions  as 
render  the  applicant,  in  the  judgment  of  experts,  unable  to  adjust  himself  to 
normal  conditions,  (f)  Commit  all  such  persons,  on  the  recommendation  of 
the  probation  officers  and  the  Psychopathic  Laboratory,  to  a  farm  colony 
or  hospital  "until  cured."  (g)  Amend  the  law  by  removing  the  upper  limit 
to  the  number  of  probation  officers,  (h)  Make  only  murderers  and  traitors 
exempt  from  probation,  (i)  Create  a  non-partisan  State  Probation  Commis- 
sion with  authority  to  fix  the  qualifications  of  probation  officers,  both  adult 
and  juvenile,  and  to  prepare  a  certified  list  from  which  the  court  shall  make 
appointments. 

4.  That  the  city  and  state  provide  farm  colonies  at  least  60  miles  from 
Chicago  for  juvenile  delinquents.  These  may  be  in  conjunction  with  the  insti- 
tution recommended  above  for  adults.  The  city  colony  should  be  under  the 
management  of  a  board  appointed  by  the  Mayor  with  the  approval  of  the 
Superintendent  of  Schools.  They  should  afford  opportunities  for  agricultural 
pursuits  and  shop  work,  in  addition  to  formal  education,  and  the  construction 
and  repair  work,  should  be,  as  far  as  possible,  conducted  by  the  boys.  Hos- 
pital treatment  should  be  provided  and  release  on  parole  or  otherwise  should 
be  denied  on  the  certicate  of  the  medical  staff  that  one  for  whom  parole  is 
considered  is  in  such  condition  that  he  would  be  a  menace  to  public  safety 
or  health  or  both. 

5.  That  the  state  law  relating  to  the  commitment  of  feeble-minded  to 
the  Lincoln  State  Farm  and  Colony  be  so  amended  as  to  (a)  make  commit- 
ment and  release  independent  of  the  wishes  of  parents  and  guardians,  but  de- 
pendent solely  upon  the  Juvenile  Court  and  its  branches,  (b)  Make  possible 
commitment   of  dangerously  infected  youths  "until   cured." 

6.  (a)  That  the  city  enlarge  its  facilities  for  vocational  education  and 
vocational  guidance  as  a  means  of  tying  our  youth  to  an  occupation,  (b) 
That  the  age  limit  for  compulsory  education  be  raised  to  16  years,  (c)  That 
the  system  of  part  time  night  schools  in  the  city  be  extended  and  that  the 
Juvenile  Court  law  be  amended  to  require  each  juvenile  probationer  to  attend 
such  a  §chool  during  the  period  of  probation. 

7.  Finally  we  recommend  that  investigations,  of  which  the  foregoing  is 
only  the  beginning,  be  provided  for  the  city,  and  the  attention  be  directed 
particularly  to  (a)  an  examination  of  1,200  or  more  prisoners  in  the  House  of 
Correction  who  have  been  committed  in  this  city  o  relsewhere  more  than  three 
times,  (b)  A  search  for  the  history  of  500  or  more  Chicago  boys  during  the 
period  subsequent  to  the  date  of  their  parole  from  St.  Charles,  (e)  A  search 
for  the  history  of  Chicago  men  and  women  during  the  period  subsequent  to 
the  date  of  their  parole  from  the  penal  institutions  ct  the  state. 


Description  and  Analysis 
of  Criminal  Conditions 


by 

MORGAN  L.  DAVIES,  Attorney  for  Committee 

and 

FLETCHER  DOBYNS,  Associate  Counsel  for  Committee 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  155 

I 

REPORT  OF  ATTORNEY  FOR  COMMITTEE 

BY  MORGAN  L.  DAVIES 


To   the   Honorable    Charles   E.   Merriam, 
Chairman,  Committee  on  Crime, 

Of  the   City  Council,   Chicago,  Illinois. 

I  have  the  honor  to  submit  herewith  the  findings  and  recommendations 
which  seem  to  me  to  follow  from  the  testimony  heard  before  the  Committee. 

Before  enumerating  them,  a  word  should  be  said  about  the  first  work 
undertaken  in  this  investigation. 

Immediately  after  the  organization  of  your  Committee  in  June,  1914,  and 
the  appropriation  of  the  sum  of  $10,000  for  carrying  on  the  work,  a  number 
of  discussions  were  held  as  to  the  best  means  of  approaching  this  enormous 
subject  matter  in  a  city  as  large  as  Chicago.  It  was  decided  that  it  was  neces- 
sary for  the  Committee  to  know  the  exact  amount  of  crime  in  this  community 
as  a  foundation  for  its  work. 

Miss  Abbott,  an  expert  statistician,  was  employed  by  the  Committee  and 
presented  a  very  complete  report  on  the  statistics  available  with  reference  to 
the  various  crimes  committed  and  the  apprehension,  prosecution,  and  subse- 
quent treatment  of  offenders. 

The  subject  of  crime  was  then  considered  from  three  broad,  general  view- 
points. First,  the  nature  and  causes  of  crime  in  Chicago.  Second,  the  appre- 
hension of  the  offender,  and  its  relation  to  the  police  department.  Third, 
the  prosecution  of  the  offender  with  relation  to  the  courts,  the  city,  and  the 
state's  attorney. 

The  first  subject  matter,  namely,  the  nature  and  causes  of  crime  in  Chi- 
cago, was  studied,  and  investigated  at  length  by  an  expert  criminologist, 
Robert  H.  Gault.  Some  eight  judges,  including  the  chief  justice  of  the  Munici- 
pal Court,  appeared  before  the  Committee  and  discussed  this  subject  matter 
from  the  viewpoint  of  the  judge  having  to  deal  with  the  ofifenders  brought 
before  the  court.  Dr.  Hickson,  of  the  Psychopathic  Laboratory  of  the  Munici- 
pal Court  also  presented  to  the  Committee  the  subject  matter  of  the  offenders 
with  relation  to  their  mental  capacity  and  the  results  of  the  work  done  in  the 
Municipal  Court  along  those  lines. 

With  reference  to  the  second  subject  matter,  the  responsibilities  and 
functions  of  the  police  department,  a  rather  extended  investigation  was  made. 
In  the  early  part  of  the  work  it  was  learned  that  there  was  some  reason  to 
believe  that  members  of  the  detective  bureau  of  the  police  department  of  the 
City  of  Chicago  were  working  in  active  partnership  and  collusion  with  pro- 
fessional criminals.  It  was  then  thought  nothing  could  be  accomplished  with 
reference  to  additional  aid  to  the  police  department,  and  that  increased  effi- 
ciency on  the  part  of  the  police  department  was  impossible,  if  the  integrity 
of  any  portion  of  its  members  were   in   question. 

The  subject  matter  of  inefficiency,  judicial  delays,  complicated  machinery 
for  dealing  with  crime  and  the  criminal,  civic  movements  for  the  betterment  of 
conditions  which  tend  to  produce  crime,  all  become  of  secondary  importance 
when  the  instrument  which  the  public  has  for  dealing  with  crime  and  criminals 
is  questioned  as  to  its   integrity. 

The  police  officer  is  the  representative  of  government  who  comes  in 
contact  with  the  individual  citizen  most  intimately,  and  the  character  of  that 
representative  is  the  criterion  by  which  the  citizen  judges  his  government. 
Consequently  corruption  on  the  part  of  a  police  official  poisons  at  the  founda- 
tion all  efforts  to  deal  with  crime  and  criminal  conditions. 

Your  Committee,  therefore,  determined  at  once  to  go  to  the  bottom  of 
this  subject,  and,  by  way  of  gossip  and  information  received  indirectly  from 
professional  criminals,  the  investigators  were  lead  to  believe  that  such  a 
condition  did  exist  in  the  Detective  Bureau  of  the  Police  Department  of  the 
City  of  Chicago.  It  was  apparent  that  such  corruption  was  of  a  long  existing 
nature  and  that  many  important  individuals  were  involved  in  it.  It  was 
also  apparent  that  this  system  of  collusion  was  so  long  entrenched,  and 
its  powers  were  so  great,  the  charge  was  appalling._  that  the  committee 
could  not  afford  to  have  testimony  presented  to  it,  making  this  charge  based 


156  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

/ 

on  indirect  statements  of  professional  criminals  or  other  sources  of  infor- 
mation of  a  similar  character.  It  was  deemed  essential  that  direct,  real 
and  undisputable  evidence  must  be  had  of  such  collusion  if  the  same  existed. 
It  is  not  easy  to  realize  at  this  time,  when  the  whole  subject  matter  has 
been  brought  out  and  proved,  with  subsequent  indictment  of  a  number  of 
these  individuals  by  the  state's  attorney  of  Cook  County,  coupled  also  with 
the  fact  that  a  shooting  afifair  occurred  on  a  prominent  street  in  the  city  of 
Chicago,  which  was  alleged  to  have  arisen  from  a  possible  disclosure,  the 
enormous  difficulties  that  confronted  the  task  of  showing  up  and  proving  this 
collusion. 

It  was  learned  that  a  reporter  for  one  of  Chicago's  leading  newspapers  had 
successfully  posed  as  a  professional  criminal  and  mingled  with  the  profes- 
sional criminals  of  Chicago  at  some  time  prior  to  the  formation  of  this  com- 
mittee for  the  purpose  of  securing  information  as  to  the  criminal  conditions 
in  Chicago.  Immediately  this  reporter  was  sent  for.  He  explained  at  length 
the  manner  in  which  he  had  posed  as  a  pickpocket,  lived  with  certain  groups 
of  them,  how  he  had  learned  their  language  and  all  their  plans  and  the 
nature  of  their  operation.  The  Committee  secured  the  services  of  two  young 
men  as  investigators,  and  with  this  reporter,  they  laid  and  carried  out  the  plans 
which  resulted  in  the  complete  and  undeniable  disclosure  of  the  criminal  collu- 
sion existing  between  certain  members  of  the  detective  bureau  and  the  crim- 
inal underworld.  The  stories  of  these  three  courageous  and  efficient  young 
men,  setting  forth  the  manner  in  which  they  went  to  one  of  the  railroad 
stations  of  Chicago  acting  the  part  of  confidence  men,  and  then  notified  mem- 
bers of  the  detective  bureau  by  indirect  means  of  their  presence  there,  and 
their  subsequent  arrest,  whereby  they  were  put  through  the  detective  bureau 
"mill,"  graduating  them  into  the  class  of  professional  criminals  with  a  record, 
by  means  of  which  they  were  able  to  come  in  contact  with  the  professional 
criminal  system  of  Chicago,  are  set  forth  at  length  in  the  testimony  of  the 
Committee  and  need  not  be  gone  into  further  here. 

It  seems  to  me,  however,  that  before  leaving  this  subject  the  committee 
ought  to  express  in  some  way  its  appreciation  of  the  keen,  courageous  and 
splendid  manner  in  which  these  three  men  carried  out  the  plan  of  the  investi- 
gation. In  a  manner  their  work  made  possible  a  great  many  other  things 
that  this  committee  has  sought  to  accomplish,  and  too  much  credit  for  the 
breaking  up  of  this  system  of  criminal  collusion  cannot  be  given  to  these  men. 

Attached  hereto  is  an  excerpt  from  Captain  Meagher's  testimony  which 
gives  a  complete  picture  of  criminal  environment  to  which  attention  ought  to 
be  called. 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  Butch  Carroll?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Butch  Carroll  had  a  saloon  on  Madison  street." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Did  he  ever  have  one  at  941  W.  Washington  street." 

Captain  Meagher:     "Not  that  I  remember  of." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Butch   Carroll?" 

Captain  Aleagher:     "Yes,  and  George  C. — " 

Mr.  Davies:     "One  of  the  Carroll's  is  serving  time?" 

Captain    Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Which  one?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "A  fellow  that  we  call  John  Bunker.  He  is  a  pick- 
pocket." 

Mr.  Davies:  "Butch  Carroll,  has  he  ever  had  a  place  at  941  W.  Washing- 
ton street?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "He  came  there  from  his  present  place?" 

Mr.  Davies:  "Do  you  know  anything  about  that  saloon  at  948  Madison 
street?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Do  you  know  what  Carroll's  real  name  is?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes,  Wainwright." 

Mr.  Davies:     "He  is  from  Cincinnati,  isn't  he?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Said  to  be." 

Mr.  Davies:  "Butch  Carroll  had  a  place  at  947  W.  Madison  street,  didn't 
he?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.   Davies:     "How  long  ago  was  that  license  revoked?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "Two  years  ago." 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  157 

Mr.  Davies:     "Do  you  know  whether  Butch  has  any  record  or  not?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I   think  it  would  be  a  safe  thing  to  say  yes." 

Mr.   Davies:     "He  has  a  saloon  at  the  present  time,  han't  he,   Captain?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "I  have  heard  he  has,  but  he  is  not  in  my  district,  and 
I  don't  know  whether  he  has  any  license  there  or  not." 

Mr.   Davies:     "He  is  operating  over  there  in  another  district,   isn't  he?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Where  is  that  place?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "I  would  call  it  Madison  and  Elizabeth  streets,  I 
think." 

Mr.  Davies:  "Where  is  Butch  Carroll's  saloon  now,  or  the  one  yov  think 
he  has  an  interest  in?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "I  think  it  is  Elizabeth  and  Madison  streets.  You 
might  describe  it  at  the  northwest  corner." 

Mr.  iDavies:     "The  northwest  corner   of   Elizabeth   and   Madison?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.  Davies:     "What  kind  of  a  building  is  it  at  948  Madison  street?' 

Captain  Meagher:     "That  is  a  three-story  building." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Butch   Carroll's  saloon  is  down  stairs?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.  Davies:     "There  are  two  flats  upstairs?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.  Davies:    "How  many  rooms  in  these  flats — how  large  flats  were  they?'' 

Captain  Meagher:  "I  never  was  inside,  but  I  think  I  am  safe  in  saying — 
I  have  a  book  at  home  with  a  collection  of  all  the  rooming  houses  in,  and 
the  number  of  rooms,  and  the  persons  there,  etc." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  large  would  you  say  they  were?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "If  there  are  two  flats,  it  would  be  20  rooms,  halls 
and  all." 

Mr.  Davies:  "I  have  a  list  here  labeled  'Registered  voters,  18th  Ward, 
Precinct  10,'  dated  August  14,  1914,  and  under  the  registered  voters  from  948 
W.  Madison  street,  I  find  the  folowing  names — about  25  in  number.  I  would 
like  to  have  you  examine  that." 

Captain  Meagher:  "I  have  seen  that  list  before.  I  have  a  list  of  every 
voter  in  the  18th  Ward,  and  also  the  19th." 

Mr.  Davies:     "You  know  of  this  list?' 

Captain  Meagher:  "Yes,  sir,  I  know  of  the  list,  and  I  have  seen  the 
names.     I   only  know  them  by  name." 

Mr.   Davies:     "Now,  under  948  the   first  name  is  Frank  Weaver." 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes,  sir." 

Mr.   Davies:     "Do  you  know  who  he  is?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "Yes,  sir." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Has  he  a  record?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  think  he  has." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  has  served  time?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  think  he  has." 

Mr.  Davies:     "What  was  he  sentenced  for.  Captain,  do  you  know?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "I  don't  know,  but  I  feel  that  Weaver  has  a  criminal 
record.     I   have  had  him  arrested   several  times." 

Mr.  Davies:  "He  was  arrested  two  or  three  months  ago  for  holding  up 
a  man,  wasn't  he,  in  connection  with  another  man  by  the  name  of  Bisman?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.  Davies:     "They  held  up  a  saloon  at  Aberdeen  street?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes,  sir." 

Mr.  Davies:  Now,  in  this  list  of  names  at  948  W.  Madison  street,  is  the 
name  of  Margaret  Lane.  Do  you  know  of  any  complaint  ever  being  brought 
against  her?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "She  may  be  in  that  name  or  some  other  name  for 
having  maintained  a  house  of  prostitution.  I  presume  she  is  one  of  the 
housekeepers  there.  That  is  a  house  of  assignation,  a  house  of  prostitution, 
or  was  at  one  time.     It  is  not  above   suspicion  today." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  James  Tyler?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "I   don't  know   him." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  Anna  M.  Shields?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Does  it  was  man  or  woman?" 

Mr.   Davies:     "Yes,   Miss  Anna  Shields."  ' 


158  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

Captain   Meagher:     "I   think  she  is  one  of  the  women  there,  one  of  the 
housekeepers  there,  too." 

Mr.   Davies:     "She   is   registered   from   that   number." 

Captain   Meagher:     "I   don't  know   her." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  Charles  Kennedy,  do  you  know  him?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "No." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  Jeffries?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "He  is  an  ex-convict." 

Mr.   Davies:     "He  has   a  record?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Do  you  know  what  he  was  sent  in  for?" 

Captain    Meagher:     "I    think    he    was    brought    back    here    from    Leaven- 
worth, Kan.,  the  last  time." 

Mr.   Davies:     "What  for?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "I   don't   know   what   the.  United   States   had   him   out 
there  for.' 

Mr.  Davies:     "This  is  dated  August  9,   1914.     Do  you  know  whether  Jef- 
fries is  over  there  now  or  not?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "No,   I   don't   know." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Do  you  know  about  Thomas  Gleason,  or  James  Gleason?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "I   don't  know  him." 

Mr.    Davies:     "How  about  Thomas   Gannon?" 
Captain  Meagher:     "I   don't  know  him." 

Mr.   Davies:     "How  about   Charles  Gray?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  know  him." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  John  Edwards?" 

Captain    Meagher:     "I    don't   know   Edwards." 

Mr.   Davies:     "Do  you   know  whether  he   tends  bar   for   Bruder   or   not?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  know.     Is  Bruder  keeping  a  saloon?" 

Mr.  Davies:     "I  think  he  has  a  place." 

Captain    Meagher:     "No,    he    has    a    club    at    1044    W.    Madison    street.     I 
don't   know  whether  you  would  call  him  a   bartender  or  not." 

Mr.  Davies:     "You  don't  know  whether  Edwards  works  for  him  or  not?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "No,   sir." 

Mr.  Davies:     "At  that  same  number?' 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  know." 

Mr.   Davies:     "How  about  W.  J.   Havirt?' 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  know  him." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  Dan  Gibbons?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  know  him." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  Fred  J.  Rooney?" 

Captain    Meagher:     "He    is    an    e.\-convict.     I    know    I    had    him    in    some 
time  ago." 

Mr.  Davies:     "What  was  he  in  for?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  think  it  was  a  burglary." 

Mr.   Davies:     "Burglary?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.    Davies:     "How   about   James    Duffy?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  know  Duffy  personally." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  James  Smiley,  do  you  know  him?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "No,   I   don't   think   T   know   Smiley." 

Mr.  Davies:     "How  about  F.  J.  Mitchell?'' 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  know  him." 

Mr.   Davies:     "How  about  Joseph   Milton?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  know  him." 

Mr.  Davies:     "George  Carroll — that  would  be  the  brother  of  Butch  Carroll. 
What  is   Butch   Carroll's   right   name?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "Butch  is  John." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Butch  is  John.     He  is  registered  from  the  same  place?' 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes." 

Mr.    Davies:     "Now,    is    George    Carroll,    the    fellow    that    is    now    named 
Joe  Bunker,  the  pickpocket?     Do  you  know  him?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "No,  Joe  is  Bunker." 

Mr.  Davies:     "His  name  is  now  Bunker?" 

Captain    Meagher:     "Yes,    Joe    Bunker,    yes." 

Mr.  Davies:     "And  George  Carrol?"' 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  159 

Captain   Meagher:     "He   has  another  brother." 
Mr.   Davies:     "Their  original  name   is   Wainwright?" 
Captain   Meagher:     "According  to  the   criminal   records." 
Mr.    Davies:     "What    is    your   impression   about    George    and   John,    have 
they  got  any  records?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "I  don't  think  George  has." 
Mr.  Davies:     "And  about  John?" 
Captain  Meagher:     "I  think  he  has,  yes." 
Mr.  Davies:     "And  how  about  Harry  Adams?" 

Captain    Meagher:     "He    is    an    ex-convict,    I    think    we    call    him    'Red 
Adams.' " 

Mr.  Davies:     "What  was  he  up  for?" 
Captain  Meagher:     "Pickpocket." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Now,  'Red  Adams,'  Harry  Adams,  I  didn't  quite  get  what 
he  was  up  for?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "He  was  an  ex-convict." 
Mr.   Davies:     "And  Brush?" 
Captain  Meagher:     "Brush,  I  don't  know  him." 

Mr.  Davies:     So,  out  of  this  number,  948  Madison,  there  are  twenty-five 

in  the  list  of  people  who  registered  from  there,  and  there  are  eight,   I  think 

you  have  given  eight,  at  any  rate  the  record  will  show,  that  have  records?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes,  sir.     But  pardon  me,  I   think  you  will  find  that 

they  don't  live  there." 

Mr.  Davies:     "I   will  agree  with  you  on  that,  but  they  vote   from  there, 
don't  they?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "Yes,  but  that  is  up  to  the  elecction  commissioners  to 
look  after  the  registration." 

Mr.  Davies:  "But,  according  to  this  list  here  they  have  a  right  to  vote 
from  there?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "I   am  not  clear  on  the  election  law,  as  to  the  resi- 
denceship  and  so  on  that  was.     I  have  got  something  else  to  do  you  know." 
Mr.  Davies:     "They  are  on  the  list.     Are  any  of  them  around  there  now. 
Captain?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "They  are  liable  to  be  seen  on  the  street  at  any  time 
and  in  any  place  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  If  you  would  put  races  out  in  Elgin 
why,  tomorrow  I  would  not  be  a  bit  surprised  to  see  them  out  in  Elgin.  If 
you  would  put  races  out  in  Belvidere,  why,  they  would  be  out  in  Belvidere." 
Mr.  Davies:  "Do  you  know  any  of  them  who  are  working,  except  at 
their  profession?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "No,  I  don't  know  of  any  of  them  who  have  lawful 
employment." 

Mr.  Davies:     "Who  runs  that  building,  Butch  Carroll,  doesn't  he?" 
Captain  Meagher:     "Oh,  yes.' 

Mr.  Davies:  "Do  you  know  who  leases  the  whole  building?" 
Captain  Meagher:  "I  did  at  the  time  of  this  investigation,  but  previous 
to  the  time  of  the  revocation  of  the  license,  I  think  the  book  shows  all  of 
the  houses  and  all  the  leases  in  the  past,  and  who  the  owner  was,  and  every 
one  of  them  knew  that  when  we  caught  them  we  sent  in  the  records  to  the 
chief  of  police  and  he  looks  up  the  owners  and  agents  and  serves  a  notice 
on  them." 

Mr.  Davies:  "Did  you  examine  this  particular  precinct  list  before  with 
reference  to  the  people  who  registered  from  that  place?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "It  is  the  only  one  I  recall  in  that  precinct." 
Mr.  Davies:     "I  mean  have  you  seen  this  precinct  list  before?" 
Captain  Meagher:     "I  have  seen  that,  yes." 

Mr.  Davies:  "Did  you  look  at  it  to  see  who  was  registered  from  948 
Madison  street?' 

Captain    Meagher:     "We    discussed   it   in   the   station." 
Mr.   Davies:     "All   of   it?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "Yes,  sir.     I  keep  a  list  of  every  person  registered." 
Mr.  Davies:     "Would  you  say  that  this  was  the  worst  case  that  there  ever 
was  in  your  district?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "Yes,  I  would  emphatically  say  I  don't  know  of 
another  place  where  they  would  permit  it.  If  those  people  are  legal  residents, 
which  I  claim  they  are  not,  they  are  not  living  there  the  same  as  I  am  on 
Turner  Avenue." 


160  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

Mr.  Davies:  "Did  you  arrest  any  of  these  fellows  under  the  vagrancy 
section,   Captain?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "Yes,  sir." 

Mr.  Davies:  "Who,  if  any  of  them,  have  been  arrested  under  this  par- 
ticular section?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "We  had  Adams  in  court  five  or  six  months  ago." 

Mr.  Davies:  "You  would  have  to  keep  arresting  them  every  day,  wouldn't 
you?" 

Captain  Meagher:  (continuing)  "I  think  he  was  in  on  what  you  would 
call  a  regular  vagrancy  charge.  I  think  Red  Adams  had  a  sentence  here  in 
court   to  get  out  of  town  within  two  weeks." 

Mr.  Davies:  "And  those  fellows  are  passing  in  and  out  all  of  the  time. 
They  would  have  to  spend  all  of  the  time  in  jail,  because  they  don't  work 
at  anything  else?" 

Captain   Meagher:     "They   don't  seem   to   spend  very   much   time   in  jail." 

Mr.  Davies:  "When  one  of  them  gets  arrested,  the  rest  of  them  get  busy, 
don't  they?" 

Captain  Meagher:  "I  don't  think  the  wagon  hardly  arrives  with  one_  of 
them  before  he  gets  away.  The  wagon_  don't  hardly  arrive  at  the  station 
before  some  one  is  there  to  get  him  out." 

Mr.   Davies:     "Some  lawyer?" 

Captain  Meagher:     "It  is  hard  to  judge." 

FINDINGS   AND    RECOMMENDATIONS. 
Suggested  by  Mr.  Davies  for  consideration  of  the  Committee* 

The  pressure  of  economic  conditions  has  an  enormous  influence  in  pro- 
ducing crime.  Unsanitary  housing  and  working  conditions,  unemployment, 
wages  inadequate  to  maintain  a  human  standard  of  living  inevitably  lead  to 
the  crushed  or  distorted  bodies  and  minds  from  which  the  army  of  crime  is 
recruited.  The  crime  problem  is  not  merely  a  question  of  police  and  courts. 
It  leads  to  the  broader  problems  of  public  sanitation,  education,  home  care, 
the  living  wage  and  the  attainments  of  industrial  democracy. 

These,  however,  are  indirect  causes  and  the  Committee  has  confined  itself 
to  direct  causes,  and  makes,  with  respect  thereto,  the  following  findings  and 
recommendations: 

A.  The  Committee  finds  that  the  drug  traffic  directly  increases  crime. 
That  757o  of  the  drug  users  are  of  the  criminal  classes;  that  if  the  drug  could 
not  be  secured  in  Chicago,  they  would  leave.  That  users  of  drugs  become 
physically  incapable  of  earning  their  livelihood  at  any  occupation  requiring 
sustained   efifort.     Frequently  a   resort   to   crime   is   the_  result. 

The  Committee  recommends  an  active  co-operation  between  the  police 
department  and  Federal  Government;  that  there  be  an  interchange  of  all 
information;  that  a  special  city  attorney  be  assigned  to  co-operate  with  the 
office  of  the  United  States  Attorney  to  break  up  this  traffic. 

That  a  hospital  be  provided  for  the  treatment  of  prisoners  addicted  to 
the  use  of  drugs. 

B.  The  Committee  finds  that  there  are  a  large  number  of  saloons  and 
poolrooms  where  criminals  hang  out,  plan  their  operations  and  secure  new 
recruits.  The  Committee  found  as  many  as  100  of  such  places  and  that  of 
these,  twenty   (20)   are   owned  or  operated  by  ex-convicts. 

The  Committee  believes  that  the  retail  liquor  dealers  of  Chicago  are 
opposed  to  the  issuance  of  licenses  to  such  places,  and  are  best  equipped 
to  deal  with  this  evil.  It  is,  therefore,  recommended  that  no  license  shall  be 
issued  unless  the  same  is  first  recommended  by  a  duly  authorized  and  consti- 
tuted committee,  representing  the  retail  liquor  dealers  of  Chicago,  and  that 
all  revocations  of  licenses  be  made  on  the  recommendation  of  such  a  com- 
mittee. 

C.  There  was  much  discussion  concerning  the  psychopathic  examinations 
of  juvenile  offenders,  and  the  advisability  of  a  farm  colony  for  the  segregation 
of  subnormals,  or  so-called  morons.  The  Committee  believes  that  this  subject 
matter,  so  far  as  Chicago  is  concerned,  is  in  an  experimental  stage.  That  such 
a  treatment  might  furnish  another  loophole  of  escape  from  responsibility  on 
the  part  of  the  officers,  for  their  acts.  The  Committee,  therefore,  make  no 
recommendation  on  this  subject  matter. 


*See  Pages  9  to  17  for  findings  and  recommendations  made  bv  the  Com- 
mittee. A  tentative  summary  covering  certain  of  these  pcints  had  previously 
been  submitted  by  Aid.  Merriam. 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  161 

D.  The  Committee  has  no  testimony  before  it  which  would  reflect  any 
discredit  on  the  great  body  of  men  and  officers  who  compose  the  Police  De- 
partment of  Chicago;  the  Committee  has  no  testimony  before  it  which  gives 
the  comparative  efficiency  of  the  police  department  in  Chicago  with  that  of 
other  large  cities.  There  is  no  evidence  before  this  Committee  with  reference 
to  the  relative  efficiency  of  the  police  now  as  compared  to  any  other  time. 

There  has,  however,  been  presented  to  this  Committee,  testimony  to  show  that 
certain  members  of  the  Detective  Bureau  were  in  active  collusion  with  various 
classes  of  criminals  and  that  in  some  cases,  not  only  were  the  proceeds  of 
crime  divided,  but  criminals  were  forced  to  ply  their  occupations,  that  the 
corrupt  officials  might  have  the  plunder.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  this  system  has  been  in  existence  for  a  great  many  years.  As  a  result 
of  the  disclosure  of  this  Committee  and  the  indictments  by  the  state's  attorney, 
this  system  has  been  greatly  checked  and  large  numbers  of  professional 
criminals  have  left  Chicago.  Only  constant  vigilance  will  prevent  the  return 
of  this  evil. 

Police  collusion  with  crime  is  a  crime  in  itself  and  the  power  oi  responsi- 
bility to  deal  with  it  rests  entirely  on  the  state's  attorney.  The  McCann  case 
in  Chicago,  the  Becker  case  in  New  York  City,  and  the  recent  indictments 
here  show  the  manner  this  must  be  dealt  with. 

E.  The  corrupt  officials  heretofore  referred  to,  maintained  their  power 
over  the  criminal  world  by  the  method  of  arresting  the  criminal,  who  refused 
to  obey  orders  or  divide  the  plunder,  and  holding  them  in  custody  under 
shocking  physical  surroundings  and  refusing  to  bring  them  before  a  court  for 
the  fixing  of  bonds  and  admission  to  bail.  This  is  a  violation  of  the  law  of 
Illinois,  but  there  is  no  punishment  prescribed  for  it.  The  Committee  recom- 
mended that  the  unwarranted  holding  of  a  prisoner  be  made  a  crime  by  the 
laws  of  Illinois. 

F.  The  Committee  recommends  that  every  police  officer  be  compelled  to 
make  in  writing,  immediately  after  the  occurrence  of  a  crime,  a  statement  in 
writing  of  the  facts  as  stated  to  him  or  witnessed  by  him. 

G.  It  is  recommended  that  professional  criminals  be  prosecuted  under 
the  State  Vagrancy  Law  in  accordance  with  the  plan  submitted  by  this  Com- 
mittee and  enforced  in  other  states,  such  as  Massachusetts. 

H.  It  is  recommended  that  joint  action  be  taken  by  the  courts,  the 
state's  attorney  and  the  chief  of  police  to  remove  in  some  degree,  the  sinister 
pressure  and  harassment  of  the  police  by  the  criminal  system  of  defense, 
composed  in  part  of  the  "crooked  bondsmen,"  the  "crooked  lawyer,"  and  the 
''fixer.' 

When  the  power  activities  and  methods  of  this  system  are  understood  it 
is  amazing  that  there  are  so  many  honest  and  efficient  policemen. 

I.  The  Committee  finds  that  the  police  force  of  Chicago  is  smaller  in 
proportion  to  that  of  other  large  cities  and  recommends  an  additional  number 
to  the  department. 

J.  It  is  recommended  all  criminal  branches  of  the  Municipal  Court  be 
consolidated  in  one  central  building. 

K.  The  Committee  recommends  the  employment  of  an  additional  number 
of  assistant  state's  attorneys,  so  that  there  will  be  an  assistant  state's  attorney 
both  day  and  night  in  the  police  stations,  located  in  the  larger  crime  zones 
of  Chicago. 

L.  The  Committee  finds  that  the  great  power  and  responsibility  of  deal- 
ing with  evil  conditions  shown  before  this  Committee  rests  with  the  state's 
attorney.  That  the  state's  attorney  in  the  performance  of  his  duties,  must 
incur  the  ill  will  of  powerful  interests.  In  view  of  the  great  responsibility, 
the  dangers  incurred,  it  is  the  belief  that  the  salary  of  the  state's  attorney  is 
wholly  insufficient  and  that  some  method  should  be  found  by  which  the  city 
of  Chicago  should  make  this  adequate. 

M.  It  is  recommended  that  this  Committee  be  made  a  permanent  Com- 
mittee, with  an  appropriation  to  continue  the  work.  That  it  should  have  re- 
ferred to  it  all  reports  of  the  Police  Department  required  in  the  subject  of 
crime  from  time  to  time. 

Respectfully  yours, 

MORGAN    L.   DAVIES. 


162  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

II 

DESCRIPTION  AND  ANALYSIS  OF  CRIMINAL 
CONDITIONS 

BY  FLETCHER  DOBYNS 


In  the  investigation  of  Criminal  Conditions  the  following  subjects  were 
given  special  attention: 

1.  Hangouts  of  professional  criminals. 

2.  The  number  and  classification  of  professional  criminals. 

3.  Fences  for  the  disposition  of  stolen  property. 

4.  The  use  of  the  Vagrancy  Act  as  a  means  of  driving  out  professional 

criminals. 

5.  Relation  of  crime  to  prostitution,   the  drug  habit  and   gambling,  and 

the  excessive  use  of  liquor. 

6.  Police  organization  and  methods. 

7.  Police  collusion  with  crime. 

8.  Professional  bondsmen,  disreputable  lawyers  and  fixers. 

9.  The  prosecution  of  crime. 

1.     HANGOUTS  OF  PROFESSIONAL  CRIMINALS 

The  first  investigation  of  criminal  conditions  was  directed  toward  hang- 
outs of  professional  criminals.  The  greater  part  of  this  work  was  conducted 
with  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Edward  Altz,  chief  investigator,  and  various  other 
investigators,   operating  under   his   direction. 

Mr.  John  P.  Mortimer  and  Mr.  Paul  R.  Classen  were  especially  useful  in 
this  work,  and  Of^cers  Loose  and  Gray,  detailed  to  the  Committee  by  Chief 
Gleason,  rendered  very  valuable  service.  The  detailed  report  on  the  patrolmen 
and  night  shifts  and  other  conditions  in  the  Police  Department  was  made 
by  Mr.  W.  C.  Dannenberg.  Mr.  Altz  and  his  assistants  mingled  with  the 
dififerent  pickpockets  and  known  criminals  of  the  city,  associating  with  them 
day  after  day,  night  after  night.  They  passed  as  crooks  of  various  kinds, 
and  in  this  capacity  obtained  direct  information  regarding  the  places  where 
criminals  assembled.  These  investigators  reported  a  list  of  about  one  hundred 
meeting  places  or  hangouts  of  professional  criminals. 

The  greater  number  of  these  hangouts  were  found  to  be  saloons,  with  a 
smaller  number  of  poolrooms  and  a  few  restaurants.  In  twenty  instances 
these  saloons  are  operated  by  men  with  criminal  records.  Some  of  these 
hangouts  are  the  resorts  of  definite  classes  of  criminals,  while  others  are  the 
meeting  places  of  almost  every  kind  of  crooks.  Some,  for  example,  are  the 
hangouts  of  pick-pockets,  others  of  "strong-arm  men,"  while  others  are  fre- 
quented more  commonly  by  confidence  men,  or  by  panderers.  Sometimes 
they  are  used  as  clearing  houses  for  stolen  property,  and  very  often  they  are 
operated  in  close  connection  with  houses  of  prostitution. 

A  typical  illustration   from   testimony  submitted   follows: 

"Saloon,  hangout  for  criminals.  Sherwood  Smith  hangs  out  there. 
.  .  .  Oliver  Harquist,  Mushmouth  Kline,  one  Buddy,  William  Burns, 
and  a  number  of  others  whose  names  we  have  not  been  able  to  find.  I 
have  found  this  place  on  two  or  three  different  occasions  in  company  with 
crooks.  I  have  heard  conversations  between  the  crooks  and  the  bar- 
tender, in  which  they  discussed  the  best  places  for  operation  at  that  time." 

Saloon.     Red  Lewis,   Eddy  Lewis,   Harry   Knouton,   Doc  Dobis, 

Chicken,  Charles  Davis,  Kinky  Jew,  Tear-a-way  Kid,  Eddy  Bowler,  Fred 
Kerwin,  Eddy  Creely  and  George  Hogarty  hang  out  there.  .  .  . 
While  I  was  in  there  two  policemen  came  in  and  both  of  them  took  a 
drink  at  the  bar  without  paying  for  the  drinks,  and  both  spoke  to  these 
men  that  were  in  there  at  this  time,  among  them  the  Kinky  Jew  and  the 
Tear-a-way   Kid,   and   Eddy   Bowler."     .     .     . 

"After  they  went  out  these  men  boasted  of  the  fact  that  they  were 
safe  in  there."     .     .     . 

"That   policemen    did    not    dare    to   take   them    out   of   there."     .     .     . 

"Pool  Room,  ,  ,  is  a  very  bad  place  and  a  good  many 

dope  users  hang  out  there.     Most  of  the  pickpockets  that  frequent   that 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  1,63 

vicinity  hang  out  in  that  place,  also  boosters,  shop-lifters,  etc.,  that  work 
the   stores   in   that  vicinity  and   frequent  that   vicinity." 

" Cigar   Store.     Little   Hugo,  John   Saunders,   Mendel   Simon, 

Harry    Stein,    Patsy    Keegan,    Moe    Leinberg   and   Tom    White   hang   out 

there."     (Out  of  this  place  was  taken  by  the  investigators  of  the 

Committee,    and    sentenced    to    six    months    in    the    House    of    Correction 
under  the  Vagrancy  Act.) 

As  a  rule  these  resorts  are  not  molested  and,  indeed,  in  many  instances 
criminals  seem  to  think  that  they  are  immune  in  these  places.  They  appear 
ito  regard  them  as  cities  of  refuge  from  which  they  cannot  lawfully  be  taken. 
Such  resorts  are  sinister  breeding  places  of  crime,  and  their  continued  exist- 
ence is  a  standing  menace  to  the  safety  of  persons  and  property  in  Chicago. 
In  these  places  criminal  acquaintances  are  made,  prospective  "jobs"  are  dis- 
cussed and  past  ones  related.  From  these  haunts  criminals  go  forth  to  make 
their  raids  and  return  after  their  work  is  done.  It  is,  of  course,  impossible  to 
prevent  the  assembly  of  groups  of  criminals  as  long  as  their  presence  in  the 
community  is  tolerated,  but  they  should  not  be  permitted  to  meet  in  public 
places,  such  as  saloons,  poolrooms  and  restaurants.  That  a  large  number  of 
these  dangerous  resorts  exist  is  due  to  one  of  two  causes,  or  possibly  both — 
either  fear  or  indifiference  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  or  incompetence  in  the 
securing  of  adequate  evidence  to  convict  the  criminal  characters  who  frequent 
them.  If  the  licenses  of  known  rendezvous  of  criminals  are  revoked  and  not 
restored,  either  to  the  same  person  or  place,  the  practice  of  harboring  these 
criminals  will  speedilj-  be  ended;  or  if  the  inmates  of  these  places  were  taken 
under  the  Vagrancy  Act,  discussed  in  the  latter  part  of  the  report  of  the 
Committee,  they  could  undoubtedly  be  convicted  and  restrained  from  running 
ai  large. 

2.    NUMBER  AND  CLASSIFICATION  OF  PROFESSIONAL  CRIMINALS 

The  investigation  covered  the  number  and  kind  of  professional  criminals 
in  Chicago.  This  list  includes  men  of  criminal  records  and  reputation  who  in 
the  main  are  not  pursuing  any  lawful  occupation,  and  who  in  most  instances 
are  actually  engaged  in  the  practice  of  their  criminal  profession.  A  detailed 
list  of  500  such  criminals  was  supplied  to  the  Committee  by  our  investigators 
and  it  is  estimated  by  the  chief  investigator  that  there  are  many  times  this 
number  of  this  class  operating  in  the  city.  The  list  of  500  includes  only  such 
names  as  were  actually  checked  up  in  the  course  of  the  investigation.  In  this 
group  various  types  of  criminals  are  included.  The  principal  classes  are  as 
follows: 

Pickpockets,  or  "dips." 

Burglars,  or  "prowlers,"  divided  into  "day  prowlers"  and  "night  prowlers." 

Shop-lifters,  or  "boosters." 

Hold-up  men,  or  "stick-up"  men. 

Confidence  men  of  all  grades  from  high  class  "con  men"  to  low  class. 

Safe  blowers,  known  as  "peter  men,"  or  "yegg  men." 

Gamblers  of  all  types  and  descriptions,  from  crap  shooters  to  those  in 
the  "big  games." 

Panderers,  living  on  the  wages  of  woman's  prostitution. 

All  around  crooks,  who  have  not  specialized  in  any  particular  branch  of 
crime,  or  perhaps  have  specialized  in  several  lines  of  criminal  activity. 

These  men  carry  on  their  work  from  year  to  year  apparently  without  fear 
of  successful  interference  with  their  occupation.  Occasinnallv  raids,  arrests 
and  round-ups  are  made,  and  in  some  instances  convictions  are  secured,  but 
broadly  speaking  this  group  of  enemies  of  society  have  entrenched  themselves 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  have  little  to  fear  from  the  law.  They  have  formed 
a  crime  system  which  gives  its  members  a  reasonable  sense  of  security. 
Among  the  members  of  this  fraternity  the  rates  for  insurance  against  con- 
viction of  crime  ought  not  to  be  much  higher  than  the  prevailing  rates,  outside 
of  the  fraternity,  for  burglary  insurance,  or  hold-up  insurance.  It  is  possible 
that  a  pickpocket  may  be  arrested  and  convicted,  just  as  it  is  possible  that 
the  citizen  mav  have  his  pocket  picked,  but  the  chances  are  equally  great  in 
either  case.  They  have  built  up  lines  of  defense  consisting  in  part  of  the 
corrupt  lawyer,  the  fixer,  the  corrupt  politician,  with  the  further  assistance  of 
our  antiquated  system  of  criminal  procedure,  until  they  have  made  their  busi- 
ness about  as  safe  from  governmental  interference  as  anv  other  form  of  busi- 
riess.  A  "fall"  (that  is  to  say  an  arrest  and  conviction)  is  possible  in  the 
underworld  of  crime.     Indeed,  many  groups  of  thieves  provide  what  they  call 


164  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

"fall  money,"  for  such  an  emergency.     But  the  chances  for  such  an  occurence 
are  not  very  great. 

The  statistics  prepared  for  the  Commission  by  Miss  Abbott,  show  in  the 
case  of  criminal  complaints  that  the  convictions  amount  to  only  12  per  cent, 
and  of  these  only  one  in  thirty  receives  any  other  punishment  than  that  of  a 
jail  or  a  Bridewell  sentence  for  a  felony,  which  is  legally  punishable  by  impris- 
onment in  the  penitentiary. 

The  crime  system  is  not  a  system  in  the  sense  that  it  is  centrally  organ- 
ized, that  is  completely  centralized,  and  under  fairly  close  control.  The  degree 
of  centralization  differs  in  the  various  branches  of  crime.  The  pickpockets 
for  example,  are  probably  the  best  organized,  while  burglars  and  hold-up  men 
are  regarded  as  the  lower  grade  of  criminals.  There  are  dukes,  counts  and 
lords  m  the  criminal  group,  but  there  is  no  king  who  rules  over  the  entire 
population.  The  closest  approach  to  centralization  is  found  in  the  lines  of 
political  influence  that  converge  toward  a  small  group  of  men,  characterized 
as  the  men,  or  sometimes  even  the  man  "higher  up."  While  this  criminal 
gcoup  is  not  by  any  means  completely  organized,  it  has  many  of  the  character- 
istics of  a  system.  It  has  its  own  language;  it  has  its  own  laws;  its  own  his- 
tory; its  tradition  and  customs;  its  own  method  and  technique;  its  highly 
specialized  machinery  for  attack  upon  persons,  and  particularly  upon  property; 
its  own  highly  specialized  modes  of  defense.  These  professionals  have  inter- 
urban,  interstate,  and  sometimes  international  connections.  In  fact,  when  we 
consider  the  opportunities  for  escape  from  detection,  by  collusion  or  con- 
nivance, or  incompetence  of  the  police,  by  the  work  of  the  professional  fixer; 
by  the  pressure  of  political  influence;  by  the  inactivity  and  incompetence  of 
prosecutors;  the  spineless  attitude  of  some  judges,  or  by  some  loophole  of 
escape  in  the  mazes  of  criminal  law,  we  must  admit  that  professional  crime 
is  better  organized  for  defense  against  the  law  than  society  is  for  the  appre- 
hension and  conviction  of  the  professional  criminal.  The  details  of  this  sys- 
tem will  be  outlined  in  the  pages  of  this  report  so  far  as  its  ramifications  have 
been  investigated  and  exposed.  It  is  not  to  be  presumed,  however,  that  the 
inquiry  made  is  by  any  means  exhaustive,  of  a  group  so  subtle,  shifty  and 
secret  in  their  methods  as  the  professional  criminals  in  a  great  city  like  Chi- 
cago. The  roots  of  their  system  strike  deep,  and  they  also  reach  high  and 
wide.     It  is  not  been  possible  to  follow  them  all. 

One  of  the  most  highly  specialized  groups  in  the  criminal  class,  is  that 
of  pickpockets  or  "dips."  A  special  investigation  of  this  group  was  made, 
under  my  supervision,  and  lists  of  notorious  pickpockets  and  of  their  hang- 
outs, and  detailed  descriptions  of  their  methods  of  adequate  defense,  were 
supplied  to  the  Committee  in  the  course  of  public  hearings  upon  this  ques- 
tion. The  testimony  showed  that  there  are  approximately  500  pickpockets 
in  Chicago,  and  a  list  furnished  contained  the  names  of  a  large  number. 

The  testimony  showed  that  pickpockets  almost  invariably  work  in  what 
is  known  as  "mobs,"  or  "gangs,"  of  from  two  to  five  men.  A  complete  mob 
consists  of  a  "fan,"  who  "locates  the  office,"  that  is  to  say,  locates  the  pocket 
book  or  "poke."  The  next  member  is  the  "stall,"  whose  duty  is  to  make  the 
victim  change  his  position  in  such  a  manner  that  the  "instrument,"  can  get 
at  his  pocket.  This  can  be  done  by  having  the  stall  step  on  his  toes  or  give 
him  a  shove.  The  man  known  as  the  "instrument,"  or  "wire,"  then  takes  the 
"poke"  or  pocket  book,  which  he  immediately  passes  to  the  person  known  as 
the  "switch."  The  "switch"  makes  his  escape  or  in  some  instances  relays  it 
to  still  another  member  of  the  mob.  The  "stall"  in  the  meantime  ma}'-  interfere 
in  the  pursuit,  if  the  theft  is  discovered.  There  are,  of  course,  many  varia- 
tions in  the  method,  depending  upon  the  size  of  the  mob,  and  the  peculiar 
methods  of  working.  It  is  reported  that  in  some  instances  that  three  men 
constitute  a  mob,  one  acting  as  an  instrument,  the  other  as  a  switch,  and 
the  police  officer  acting  as  a  stall.  Favorite  places  of  operation  were  also  in- 
dicated by  our  investigator,  including  Halsted  street  between  Madison  and 
Sixteenth,  Halsted  and  Sixty-third,  Madison  street,  from  Canal  west  to  Roby, 
Riverview  Park,  Ashland  and  Forty-seventh.  Pickpockets  also  work  in  banks, 
elevators,  office  buildings,  and  in  department  stores.  In  the  latter  case  their 
work  is  called  "moll  buzzing.'  Many  of  these  gangs  operate  constantly  in 
Chicago,  while  others,  particularly  during  the  summer  time,  leave  the  city 
in  order  to  make  the  race  tracks  and  county  fairs  near  the  city. 

Pickpockets  have  several  main  lines  of_  defense.  The  strongest  of  these 
i?  direct  collusion  with  officials  on  the  police  force.     The  nature  and  extent 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  165 

of  this  co-operation  will   be  discussed  in  that  section  of  this  report  dealing 
with  the  general  subject  of  police  collusion  with  criminals. 

In  other  instances  they  are  defended  by  certain  lawyers,  regularly  em- 
ployed for  that  purpose.  These  attorneys  secure  the  release  of  the  pick- 
picket  by  means  of  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  when  the  case  is  not  promptly 
booked  at  the  station  or  through  insufficiency  of  evidence,  where  cases  come 
to  trial;  or  through  various  other  legal  technicalities  in  the  use  of  which  their 
long  experience  gives  them  great  skill.  Pickpockets  appear  to  be  better  de- 
fended from  the  legal  point  of  view  than  any  other  group  of  habitual  criminals. 

A  striking  illustration  of  the  ease  with  which  they  evade  the  law  is  found 
in  the  case  of  Eddy  Jackson,  a  well  known  dip,  who  for  so  many  years  escaped 
punishment  that  he  came  to  be  known  as  "Eddy  the   Immune." 

A  few  of  these  pickpockets  operate  with  the  knowledge  of  the  police 
officials,  who  allow  them  to  operate  either  because  of  corrupt  connivance,  as 
indicated  above,  or  because  of  alleged  inability  to  secure  evidence  leading 
to  a  conviction. 

Another  group  of  professional  criminals  is  made  up  of  the  burglars  of 
various  classes.  Some  of  them  are  known  as  "night  prowlers,"  who  operate 
after  dark,  and  "day  prowlers,"  who  work  during  the  day.  A  special  branch 
of  this  class  is  the  "booster,"  who  works  the  department  stores,  and  other 
shops.  Further  there  are  innumerable  special  classes  of  automobile  thieves, 
freight-car  thieves,  jewelry  thieves,  horse  thieves,  wagon  thieves,  and  many 
other  persons  who  make  some  brand  of  larceny  a  specialty.  They  do  not 
seem  as  a  rule  to  be  as  intelligent  or  as  well  organized  as  the  pickpockets, 
nor  do  they  have  as  complete  arrangements  made  for  their  defense  as  do 
the  "dips."  "While  the  percentage  of  conviction  for  larceny  is  somewhat 
higher  than  other  cases,  yet  on  the  whole  the  professional  prowler  may  carry 
on  his  occupation  for  a  considerable  time  without  much  danger  of  interrup- 
tion. 

Safe-blowers,  otherwise  known  as  "peter  man,"  or  "yegg-men,"  are  also 
found  in  considerable  numbers  in  Chicago.  Many  of  these  men  do  not  operate 
in  this  city,  but  make  Chicago  their  headquarters.  From  this  point,  as  a 
center,  they  go  out  to  do  "jobs'  in  cities  or  towns  within  a  radius  of  several 
hundred  miles.  When  their  work  is  done,  they  take  refuge  in  Chicago,  where 
the  possibilities  of  detection  are  not  very  great.  Safe-blowing  is  by  no  means 
unknown  in  Chicago,  yet  in  the  main,  the  Chicago  safe  crackers  regard  this 
as  their  dormitory  rather  than  their  workshop.  They  are  likely  to  be  known 
to  the  police,  however,  and,  therefore,  must  provide  themselves  with  defense 
against  the  arm  of  the  law. 

This  protection  must  be  some  form  of  political  influence,  or  a  cash  pay- 
ment to  secure  silence.  "Peter  men"  are  among  the  aristocrats  of  the  criminal 
world.  They  regard  themselves,  and  are  regarded  by  the  professional  criminal 
as  superior  to  such  types  as  the  prowler,  or  the  stick-up  man.  The  vigorous 
attempts  made  by  the  various  banking  interests  to  run  down  and  punish  safe- 
crackers, makes  their  pursuit  much  more  hazardous  than  most  crimes.  The 
men  who  follow  it,  therefore,  require  a  degree  of  nerve  and  ability  which  is 
not  necessary  in  the  sneak  thief  or  hold-up  man. 

The  hold-up  men  include  a  rather  ill  defined  group  of  "strong-arm"  men, 
who  are  ready  to  do  any  rough  job,  as  strike  breakers,  labor  sluggers,  or  other- 
wise. The  "stick-up"  men  who  are  professionally  engaged  in  the  hold-up  busi- 
ness and  gun-men  are  ready  for  almost  any  kind  of  a  job.  "Stick-up"  men 
may  follow  some  other  line  of  criminal  work.  They  sometimes  work  in 
gangs  like  the  Gilhooley  boys,  the  Dooley  boys,  or  Rooney's  gang,  who  are 
ready  for  any  sort  of  strong-arm  work  regardless  of  consequences  to  them- 
selves or  others.  Others  work  individually  in  the  hold-up  business  or  some- 
times they  operate  in  pairs.  One  of  the  striking  features  about  hold-up  cases 
if-  the  large  number  of  instances  in  which  the  robbery  is  committed  by  very 
young  persons,  not  infrequently  by  boys  under  21  years  of  age. 

Another  class  of  professional  criminals  is  the  so-called  "con"  men  or 
confidence  men.  There  are  many  varieties  of  these,  from  the  short-change 
men  up  to  the  perpetrators  of  more  pretentious  schemes  of  fraud,  such  as 
those  of  the  wire-tappers,  and  the  organizers  of  fake  or  fraudulent  Businesses. 
"Con  men"  is  a  flexible  term  and  does  not  ndicate  whether  the  particular 
person  is  "high  class"  or  "low  class."  They  frequently  perpetrate  the  most 
bare-faced  and  apparently  impossible  frauds,_  especially  upon  visitors  to  the 
city,  who  are  ignorant  of  their  ways.     Offering  to  sell  the  Masonic  Temple 


166  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

seems  like  a  transparent  device,  but  it  has  been  accomplished  more  than  once. 
The  operations  of  the  Clairvoyant  Trust  and  of  the  wire-tappers  have  recently 
been  exposed,  and  are  now  matters  of  general  knowledge.  These  ingenious 
con  men  work  with  relatively  little  fear  of  interference.  Their  defense  con- 
sists principally  in  protection  by  the  police  department,  as  conviction  for 
confidence  games  is  not  very  difficult  to  procure.  In  general,  therefore,  they 
must  divide  their  earnings  with  those  who  give  them  immunity  from  police 
inference. 

Our  investigation  also  shows  the  existence  of  gambling  on  a  large  scale. 
The  chief  investigator  estimated  the  number  of  "hand  books"  alone  in  Chi- 
cago at  about  300,  and  of  these,  50  were  actually  checked  up.  Investigators 
made  bets  or  heard  bets  made,  and  saw  the  money  passed  in  fifty  places 
scattered  around  the  city  of  Chicago.  The  Committee  also  found  that  there 
are  a  number  of  "clearing  houses"  for  gambling  in  Chicago.  A  clearing 
house  is  a  place  where  the  news  is  received  direct  from  the  race  track  as  to 
the  dififerent  horses  about  to  run,  the  riders,  and  whether  the  horse  is  scratchd, 
and  so  on.  A  wire  is  leased  and  race  track  news  from  all  over  the  country 
obtained  over  it.  Then  this  in  turn  is  distributed  to  the  smaller  clearing 
houses,  and  from  them  sent  to  the  dififerent  hand-book  makers.  One  clearing 
house  was  located  at  2032  West  Madison  street.  Here  the  wire  was  tapped 
and  the  investigators  reported  the  conversation.  The  following  is  a  report  of 
an  investigator  on  Saturday,  November  28,   1914: 

I  went  to  2040  West  Madison  street  at  11  o'clock  a.  m.  Both  phones  were 
working,  Bell  and  automatic.     The  following  is  what  I  got  over  the  Bell  phone: 

Somebody  called  up  and  said:  "Hello,  Ed."  Ed  said:  "Yes."  The  other 
party  said:  "$10."  Then  Ed  said:  "All  right."  Somebody  called  up  and 
said:  "Hello,  Ed,  how  is  the  track?"  Ed  said:  "Fair."  The  other  party 
said:  "Has  Hester  Pryne  got  a  rider?"  Ed  said:  "Yes."  The  other  party 
said:     "$10  on  Hester  Pryne,  $10  on  Fairy  Godmother."     Ed  said:    "All  right." 

Some  fellow  called  up  and  said:  "Hello,  Long,  this  is  Billy.  Got  that 
pony?"  Ed  said:  "No."  The  other  fellow  said:  "Will  you  call  up?"  Ed 
said:     "Yes.' 

Somebody  called  up  and  said:  "Hello,  Ed,  who  won  the  second?"  Ed 
said  "Chupadero."  The  other  fellow  said:  "All  right."  Ed  called  up  Mon- 
roe 230,  and  said:  "Is  that  you.  Smith?"  Other  party  said:  "Yes."  Ed  said: 
"Hester  Pryne,  Thistle  Blue  and  Montpelier  entry  on  the  4th  race."  The 
other  fellow  said,  "$10  on  each,  that  makes  $30  in  bets  that  I  owe  you."  Ed 
said:     "All  right." 

Ed  called  up  Monroe  230  and  said:  "Hello,  Smith,  Hester  Pryne  scratched." 
Smth  said:  "What  odds."  Ed  said:  "Two  and  two  and  one-half  to  one." 
Smith  said:  "Put  two  on  Flitter  Gold,  two  on  Thistle  Blue,  and  two  on  Ten 
Points.  Here  is  some  more  money  for  you,  Ed,  from  Harry.  My  bets  go  the 
way  I  laid  them." 

Ed  called  up  Canal  5095,  and  said  to  the  party  that  answered:  "One,  Four, 
Six  winners." 

Our  investigator  further  reported  that  there  is  a  general  understanding 
among  the  persons  frequenting  these  places  that  the  handbook  system  is  con- 
trolled by  one  person.  It  is  a  matter  of  general  understanding  among  the 
handbook  fraternity  that  these  books  are  operated  under  police  protection. 
It  is  stated  that  $50  a  week  is  received  for  each  book  run.  If  there  are  three 
hundred  books,  as  estimated,  then  on  that  basis  the  total  amount  paid  for 
police  protection  would  aggregate  nearly  $800,000  a  year. 

3.     "FENCES"  FOR  THE  DISPOSITION  OF  STOLEN  PROPERTY 

A  large  number  of  burglary  and  larceny  cases,  amounting  in  the  year  1913 
to  11,906,  indicated  the  desirability  of  a  thoroughgoing  inquiry  into  this 
subject.  Obviously  such  extensive  stealing  could  not  take  place  unless  the 
disposition  of  stolen  goods  was  well  organized.  Very  shortly  after  the  inves- 
tigations were  begun  the  story  came  to  our  attention  constantly  that  one  of  the 
largest  and  most  complete  organizations  for  the  protection  of  crime  in  this 
city  is  that  between  burglars,  thieves,  shoplifters,  and  the  receivers  of  stolen 
property,  usually  called  "fences."  Investigation  of  these  reports  was  undertaken 
for  the  purpose  of  finding  the  svstem  and  recommending  remedial  measures. 

The  system  is  operated  in  the  following  manner.  A  man  who  is  known 
as  a  "fence."  receives  stolen  property  from  any  accredited  thieves  who  may 
bring  it  to  him.  He  is  an  individual  fence.  But  there  are  many  of  these 
fences    who    are    "wholesalers."     They    have    regular    crews    of    burglars    and 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  167 

shoplifters  who  go  out  and  obtain  goods  for  them.  They  have  wagons  marked 
as  milk  wagons,  or  bakery  wagons,  so  that  they  can  make  their  deliveries  in 
the  early  morning  hours.  In  other  words,  these  fences  are  the  center  of  a 
spider's  web  of  thieves  and  burglars  who  are  on  intimate  relations  and  be- 
tween whom  there  is  more  or  less  well  detined  working  partnership.  Another 
class  of  thieves  have  their  representatives  in  other  cities.  A  buyer  from 
another  city  wishes,  for  example,  so  much  cloth  of  a  certain  kind,  or  it  may 
'be  jewelry.  He  sends  his  order  to  the  fence,  who  takes  the  matter  up  with 
his  burglars  or  shoplifters  and  they  in  turn  send  out  their  buyer  who  goes 
to  the  various  places  where  he  thinks  these  goods  may  be  found.  This  buyer 
goes  in  and  under  a  pretense  of  wanting  to  buy  the  goods,  will  look  over  the 
place  and  see  what  is  there,  notices  what  exits  there  are,  and  finds  out  where 
the  goods  he  wants  are  located.  At  night  the  burglars  have  their  milk  wagons 
or  bakery  wagons  at  the  shop,  and  the  "job"  is  "pulled  off."  The  goods  are 
then  delivered  and  immediately  sent  out  of  the  city  to  fill  the  order. 

There  are  also  gangs  who  get  orders  not  only  from  out  of  the  city,  but 
from  in  the  city  for  quantities  of  goods.  They  say  to  the  fences,  "We  want 
■so  much  goods,"  then  the  fences  get  in  touch  with  their  mobs  or  gangs,  who 
go  out  and  steal  this  material.  It  is  then  delivered  to  the  wholesaler,  all 
marks  of  identification  being  removed,  and  the  goods  are  delivered,  either  in 
or  out  of  the  city.  This  practice  is  the  very  foundation  of  shoplifting,  bur- 
glary and  thieving  of  every  kind. 

The  statenient  of  Officer  Loose,  detailed  on  this  investigation,  is  as  fol- 
lows: 

"Wholesalers  deal  with  people  usually  from  out  of  town,  who  know  the 
kind  of  property  they  are  buying  when  they  deal  with  the  wholesaler.  The 
wholesaler  will  receive  in  total,  an  order  for  a  large  amount  of  stuff,  a  large 
mass  of  stuff.  The  wholesaler  don't  run  a  mob  of  burglars,  except  the  larger 
size  fences  do.  Now  when  the  wholesaler  receives  sufficient  orders  totaling 
a  large  amount,  he  communicates  with  the  different  fences,  those  that  run 
mobs,  and  the  fences  then  send  out  what  they  call  the  fence  "buyer"'  into  the 
store  that  carries  a  line  of  stock  that  the  wholesaler  requires  to  fill  his  order. 
He  visits  a  sufficient  number  of  stores  containing  stock  to  fill  the  total  amount 
of  the  wholesaler's  order.  The  buyer  then  reports  back  to  the  fence  the  list 
of  stores  containing  this  stock.  Then  the  fence  sends  out  what  they  call  the 
head  burglar,  and  he  looks  over  the  list  that  has  been  submitted  by  the  fence's 
buyer  and  notes  the  best  entrance.  Then  he  reports  back  again  to  the  fence, 
and  then,  on  the  report  of  the  buyer  and  the  chief  burglar  for  the  fence, 
the  fence  and  the  wholesaler  then  agree  on  the  burglary  of  these  stores  to  fill 
the  order  that  the  wholesaler  has.  Now,  to  see  that  the  fence's  buyer  has 
not  reported  wrong  about  the  class  and  quality  of  the  stock  there  may  be 
in  the  store  to  be  burglarized,  the  wholesaler  has  a  man  that  they  call  the 
wholesaler's  buyer,  and  sometimes,  not  alone  the  wholesaler's  buyer,  but  the 
wholesaler  himself  goes  there  and  looks  the  situation  over,  and  rechecks 
the  list  furnished  at  the  time,  for  the  series  of  burglaries  to  be  made  to  fill 
the  contract  of  the  wholesaler,  and  if  the  goods  come  up  to  their  require- 
ments in  quantity  and  quality,  the  fence  then  gets  the  job,  and  in  the  after- 
noon of  the  day  that  a  certain  burglarly  is  going  to  be  made,  the  whole- 
saler is  then  communicated  with,  and  he  knows  what  places  are  going  to  be 
"busted"  that  night,  and  he  knows  what  the  contents  are,  and  to  what  customer 
that  will  fit  that  he  has  an  order  from,  and  then  the  job  is  done,  and  the 
stuff  is  not  taken  to  the  fence  at  all  then.  It  is  taken  directly  to  the  whole- 
saler, and  the  wholesaler  has  his  boxes  ready,  and  he  snips  off  all  identifica- 
tion marks,  and  packs  the  stuff  in  boxes,  and  by  the  time  the  man  gets  down 
to  his  store,  and  finds  that  he  is  burglarized,  the  stuff  is  on  the  way  out  of 
town.     That  is  the  system." 

Occasionally  the  system  goes  wrong  as  the  officer  indicated: 

"A  big  job  came  off  on  the  North  Side  a  little  while  ago  in  which  there 
was  a  mass  of  fine  handkerchiefs  stolen.  The  fence  came  into  possession  of 
the  handkerchiefs  and  sent  out  what  they  call_  the  fence's  salesman  with  samples 
of  the  handkerchiefs.  Unfortunately  he  visited  the  very  man  from  whom 
the  handkerchiefs  were  stolen,  with  a  sample  handkerchief  to  sell  them  to  him. 
Of  course,  he  bought  them  there,  and  when  they  came  there  to  deliver  them, 
there  were  two  officers  there,  and  they  grabbed  them,  and  they  had  a  big 
bundle  of  handkerchiefs." 

The  man  who  steals  something  to  put  in  his  own  pocket  would  not  raise 


168  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

petty  stealing  to  the  dignity  of  a  business  or  organization.  The  largest  part 
of  the  theft  is  what  may  be  called  "syndicated  stealing."  Probably  95%  of 
the  thefts  are  connected  in  some  more  or  less  closely  organized  way  with 
the  professional  fences.  In  short,  the  fence  is  the  center  of  burglary  and  all 
other  forms  of  thieving  in  Chicago. 

The  amount  of  property  stolen  each  year,  the  systematic  manner  in  which 
it  is  done,  and  the  innumerable  ramilications  of  the  system,  have  taxed  the 
credulity  even  of  those  somewhat  familiar  with  the  workings  of  the  criminal 
world. 

There  are  a  large  number  of  fences  scattered  over  the  city.  The  number 
is  estimated  at  300  and  the  investigators  located  50  of  these  definitely.  The 
fences  deal  in  various  kinds  of  commodities.  They  handle  groceries,  leather, 
shoes,  toilet  goods,  woolens,  silks,  and  other  like  goods.  Jewelry  is  handled 
by  pawnbrokers  as  a  rule,  or  by  special  kinds  of  fences.  Those  saloons  which 
are  used  as  criminal  hangouts  are  also  likely  to  fence  jewelry. 

Investigators  for  the  Commission  obtained  definite  information  regarding 
the  fence  system  in  the  following  way: 

Two  of  the  investigators  posed  as  thieves.  They  obtained  addresses  of 
supposed  fences,  cards  of  introduction  to  them,  or  in  other  cases,  passwords, 
numbers  or  names,  all  for  the  purpose  of  assuring  the  fence  that  he  was  deal- 
ing with  persons  handling  stolen  property.  They  secured  a  room  and  placed 
in  it  stocks  of  goods,  consisting  of  woolens,  ready  made  suits,  trousers,  ladies' 
dress  coats,  groceries,  shoes,  leather,  grain,  oats,  spool  silk  and  feathers. 
With  this  room  a  dictagraph  was  connected  in  order  that  conversation  with 
those  who  came  to  buy  supposed  stolen  property  might  be  recorded.  The 
dictagraph  work  was  done  by  A.  J.  McGurn,  an  expert  dictagraph  short- 
hand writer.  These  supposed  burglars  then  went  out  for  the  purpose  of 
locating  presumed  fences.  One  of  the  investigators  says:  "We  would  nat- 
urally appear  to  be  very  suspicious  all  the  time.  When  we  went  to  a  place 
we  would  be  absolutely  sure  to  get  the  man  we  were  sent  to,  so  that  there 
could  be  no  slip  anywhere.  As  soon  as  we  could,  we  made  our  connection 
right  away,  either  by  the  pass  word,  or  sometimes  it  was  necessary  that  we 
would  say  that  a  man  had  been  in  to  see  him  three  or  four  days  or  a  week 
previously,  and  told  us  to  come  in  to  see  him  about  buying  a  certain  line  of 
goods.  If  he  was  still  doubtful  or  reluctant  to  talk  to  us,  we  produced  a 
card,  and  in  almost  every  case  that  settled  the  matter  right  there." 

A  typical  case  reported  by  the  investigators  is  as  follows: 

We  went  to  and  told  him  that  a  friend  of  ours  told  us  to  call 

and  show  him  some  samples  of  some  woolens  which  we  had.     It  appears  from 

Mr.  conversation  that  the  man  who  had  gained  entrance  there  had  been 

there  some  three  weeks  before,  and did  not  remember  the  connection  very 

well,  and  hesitated  to  do  business  with  us,  saying,  that  we  could  not  blame 
him  for  being  careful.  We  told  him  that  we  would  send  our  connection  around 
again  and  would  see  him  later. 

Three  days  later,  to  make  our  proposition  more  genuine,  we  called  at 
and    secured    from   them    several    samples    of    high    grade   selvidged 


woolens,  and  then  went  to  .     When  we  arrived  there,   Mr.  was 

just  arising.  He  remarked  that  he  had  been  out  to  2:30  a.  m.  that  morning, 
and  said  that  sometimes  it  was  necessary  in  business  to  stay  out  late.    We  then 

proceeded   to   business.     We   showed   Mr.  the   samples,   and  he   wanted 

to  know  how  many  yards  of  each  piece  we  had.  We  informed  him  that  we 
did  not  know  exactly,  but  had  approximately  about  250  yards  of  each  kind 
(or  about  1,600  yards  in  all).  He  then  said:  "Boys,  I  can  see  you  are  new 
in  this  business.  Let  me  give  you  some  advice.  When  you  steal  this  stuff, 
there  is  always  a  ticket  on  each  bolt,  giving  the  number  of  the  goods  and  the 
number  of  yards  in  the  bolt.  Take  a  piece  of  paper;  make  your  own  nurnbers 
for  your  samples,  and  then  write  the  number  of  yards.  Then  take  the  original 
ticket  and  burn  it  up.  Then  there  is  no  check  on  it,  and  you  can  tell  the 
man  you  sell  it  to  just  how  many  yards  of  each  kind  you  have."  We  asked 
him  if  he  could  use  the  1,600  yards.  He  said:  _  "I  could  use  16,000  yards  if 
you  had  it,  or  all  you  can  get.  There  is  not  limit  to  me.  The  man  I  do  busi- 
ness with  IS  as  solid  as  a  rock.  Away  up  high."  We  then  talked  about  price. 
We  asked  him  if  he  would  give  50  cents  a  yard  for  it.  He  said:  "To  a  user, 
it  would  be  worth  that  much,  but  to  me,  a  dealer,  it  would  not.  Of  course, 
you  know  I  would  not  use  this  goods  here  myself.     I  dispose  of  it  to  other 


CRIMINAL   CONDITIONS  169 

people.  Will  you  boys  trust  me  to  give  you  a  square  deal?"  We  said  if  he 
would  be  square  with  us  he  could  do  a  lot  of  business  with  us. 

He  said:  "I  can  use  anything  you  get — suits,  shoes  or  anything  there 
is  any_  money  in."  3  He  said:  "The  fellow  who  sent  you  here  is  a  coward." 
He  said:  "Well,  I  will  go  downtown  right  after  my  breakfast  and  see  my 
man.  If  he  gives  me  60  cents  a  yard,  I  will  give  you  50  cents.  If  he  gives 
me  50  cents  a  yard,  I  will  give  you  40  cents.  You  see,  I  am  entitled  to 
10  cents  a  yard  for  my  trouble,  anyway."  We  then  asked  him  where  he 
wanted  the  stuff  delivered.  He  said:  "That's  my  business.  I  don't  ask  you 
where  you  got  your  stuff  stored.  I  don't  want  to  know.  You  don't  know  where 
any  stuff  goes,  so  we  are  all  safe."  He  said:  "I  will  send  an  expressman  to 
you.  You  give  him  the  goods,  pay  for  the  expressage,  and  he  will  take  it 
where  I  send  him.  That  is  all  there  is  to  it."  He  said:  "Why  I  do  this,  is 
this:  If  you  get  an  expressman,  and  he  knows  what  kind  of  stuff  you  have  got, 
and  knows  where  it  comes  from,  he  will  haul  it  about  two  blocks,  and  then  say 
he  wants  $25,  or  he  won't  go  another  foot  of  the  road.  If  you  get  an  outside 
party,  and  a  different  expressman  each  time,  nobody  knows  your  business,  and 
he  just  gets  so  much  for  doing  his  job,  and  that  is  all  there  is  to  it."  He  then  asked 
us  what  kind  of  stuff  we  had.  We  told  him  that  we  had  sold  100  suits  just  the 
other  day  for  $3  a  suit.  He  said  he  could  use  all  we  could  get.  He  said 
it  would  be  best  for  us  to  come  back  tonight  to  close  the  deal,  as  he  would 
then  know  just  how  much  he  could  pay  us,  and  he  showed  us  the  kind  of 
lining  he  wanted  in  the  suits.  We  professed  not  to  know  what  kind  of  lining 
was  in  our  suits,  and  he  took  us  over  to  a  case  and  showed  us  a  suit  with  a 
black  serge  lining.  He  said:  "If  you  can  get  those  kind  of  suits,  with  those 
kinds  of  linings,  that  is  the  best  kind  to  get.  They  are  easier  to  get  off  your 
hands.  When  you  come  in  tonight,  if  there  is  any  customers  in  the  store, 
just  take  the  sample  book  and  pick  out  the  goods  and  order  a  suit."  We 
agreed,  and  left,  and  promised  to  return  at  7  p.  m.  We  agreed  to  steal  100 
suits  for  him  later  on  in  the  week,  and  left  his  store  at  11:35  a.  m. 

As  per  arrangements  made  with this  morning,  we  called  at  his  place  of 

business  at  about  7:30  p.  m.     was  in  the  act  of  pressing  a  suit,  and  was 

the  only  one  in  the  place.  He  said:  "Come  over,  boys,  let's  get  better  ac- 
quainted. Now,  boys,  we  have  talked  several  times.  This  morning  when  we 
were  here,  we  talked  long,  framed  a  deal,  and  everything  is  all  right,  but  one 
thing,  if  you  had  one  little  word,  we  could  open  up  and  talk  business  freely. 
You  cannot  blame  me  for  being  careful.  You  fellows  were  in  here  the  other 
day  and  didn't  have  the  pass  word."  So  I  remarked:  "How  would  'Innocent' 
do?"  (which  is  the  password).  He  shook  hands  very  warmly  and  said:  "Now 
we  are  brothers."  And  from  then  on  appeared  to  be  more  free  with  his  infor- 
mation. The  first  thing  he  said  was:  "I  do  a  little  job  myself  now  and  then. 
In  fact,  I  was  out  on  a  job  last  night.  I  am  well  protected,  and  pay  for  it,  and 
I  help  my  friends  when  they  are  in  trouble,  so  you  see  we  will  have  no  trouble 
in  our  dealings."  He  then  asked  us  about  how  many  suits  we  had.  We  told 
him  about  one  hundred.  He  said:  'Well,  bring  me  out  a  pants,  coat  or  vest  of 
each  kind,  but  it  would  be  better  to  bring  the  coat."  He  then  said:  "It  is  a  lit- 
tle harder  to  get  rid  of  suits  than  it  is  the  cloth."  He  said  he  could  handle 
everything.  He  said:  "You  see  this  room  here?  Many  a  time  I  had  that  full  of 
cigars,  leather,  cloth  or  anything.  A  safety  pin  is  small  (indicating  with  his  fin- 
gers). A  diamond,  that's  large.  So  we  can  handle  anything  from  a  safety  pin 
to  a  diamond."  We  remarked  that  we  could  steal  some  leather,  but  it  would  be 
Chicago  stuff.  He  said:  "That's  all  right;  I  have  a  mighty  good  friend  in 
Kansas  City,  but  I  always  like  to  know  if  it  is  Chicago  stuff  or  not,  for 
if  it  is  I  ship  it  out  to  Kansas  City  quick."  He  then  said:  "Call  me  up 
on  the  automatic  at  the  United  Cigar  Company  Store  at  Twelfth  and  Hal- 
sted  Streets  tomorrow  morning  at  9  o'clock,  and  ask  for  me  if  it  is  this  num- 
ber. When  I  say  'yes'  you  say,  'give  me  the  watch.'  I  will  say,  'All  right, 
how  many.'  Then  you  tell  me  the  number  of  yards  you  have  of  each  stuff." 
He  said:  'When  this  deal  goes  through,  and  everything  is  all  right,  when  I 
meet  you  on  the  street  we  are  friends  no  more.  You  don't  know  me,  and  I 
don't  know  you.  When  I  get  in  trouble,  I  don'tknow  your  name;  I  don't 
know  anything  about  you,  and  I  cannot  tell  anything.  You  don't  know  any- 
thing about  me.  Man  for  man,  we  get  a  square  deal."  He  then  said:  "But 
whenever  you  get  some  stuff,  of  course,  we  know  you  are  all  right.  You  come 
right  here,  and  we  will  clean  up  the  deal.  Now,  boys,  when  we  make  a  deal, 
^  deal  is  a  deal.     If  I  tell  you  you  get  $1.00  a  yard,  you  get  $1.00  a  yard.     If 


170  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

I  say  50  cents,  you  get  SO  cents.     Once  the  price  is  given,  you  get  it.     There 
is  no  come  back  at  all." 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  location  of  these  fences  may  be  easily  ascer- 
tained by  investigation,  and  in  view  of  the  enormous  importance  of  the  fence 
business  in  relation  to  organized  theft,  we  draw  the  conclusion  that  the  regu- 
lar police  have  not  pursued  receivers  of  stolen  property  vigorously.  It  is  not 
at  all  difficult  to  obtain  the  names  and  addresses  of  fences,  to  demonstrate 
their  practice  of  receiving  stolen  goods,  and  having  done  this,  to  establish 
such  a  surveillance  over  them  as  to  put  an  end  to  their  unlawful  business.  If 
the  business  of  receiving  stolen  property  was  broken  up  the  amount  of  theft  in 
Chicago  would  rapidly  decline.  The  enormous  amount  of  thieving  now  going 
on  depends  primarily  upon  a  broad  market  for  stolen  goods.  With  the  de- 
struction of  that  market  the  organized  business  of  thieving  would  practically 
cease.  Too  great  emphasis  cannot  be  placed  on  the  fact  that  the  fence  is  the 
center  of  the  whole  system  of  organized  thievery,  and  that  with  the  elimination 
of  the  fence  the  system  collapses.  There  would  then  remain  only  such  casual 
theft  as  an  individual  might  commit.  This  occasional  theft  is  so  small  a  pro- 
portion of  organized  theft  that  the  amount  remaining  would  be  of  relatively 
little  importance.  Ninety-five  per  cent  of  the  stealing  in  Chicago  is  syndicated 
stealing,  and  the  fence  is  the  center  of  the  syndicate. 

4.     VAGRANCY  ACT 

As  a  direct  means  of  ridding  the  city  of  professional  criminals,  counsel 
for  the  Committee  undertook  to  demonstrate  how  the  Vagrancy  Law  might 
be  used  for  this  purpose.  This  act  provides  a  sentence  of  six  months  for 
vagrants. 

The  method  of  procedure  was  as  follows:  In  each  of  the  different  parts 
of  the  city  a  man  with  a  criminal  record  was  picked  up  by  investigators  and 
placed  under  observation  in  order  to  determine  whether  he  had  any  visible 
means  of  support  or  lawful  occupation.  The  records  of  these  men  were 
looked  up;  they  were  watched  from  time  to  time  to  ascertain  what  occupation 
they  followed.  It  was  found  that  they  were  living  without  working,  hanging 
around  saloons  and  gambling  places  with  no  visible  means  of  support  and 
that  they,  therefore,  came  within  the  scope  of  the  Vagrancy  Act.  Complaints 
were  then  signed  by  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee,  warrants  were  issued 
and  placed  in  the  hands  of  officers  and  three  men  were  arrested  and  brought 
before  the  court.  These  men  were  represented  by  counsel  and  their  evidence 
v/as  heard.  Witnesses  were  examined  on  both  sides,  with  the  result  that  the 
defendants  were  found  guilty  of  vagrancy  and  sentenced  to  six  months  in  the 
Bridewell. 

Ordinarily  when  persons  of  this  type  are  arrested  by  police,  they  are 
charged  with  disorderly  conduct  without  any  definite  evidence  or  a  prepared 
case.  In  most  instances,  the  result  will  be  a  discharge  of  the  prisoner  or 
possibly  a  very  light  fine.  The  purpose  of  the  Commission's  counsel  was  to 
show  that  there  is  an  effective  method  under  the  existing  law  of  imprisoning 
professional  criminals  for  a  period  of  six  months.  If  they  are  given  a  small 
fine  and  cannot  pay  it  themselves,  the  "fraternity"  helps  them  to  pay  it  and 
we  find  that  these  men  go  back  to  their  work  at  once.  Consequently  the  fine 
is  very  inefifective.  Your  counsel  is  of  the  opinion  that  if  these  men  were 
taken  up  under  the  State  Vagrancy  Act  rather  than  under  the  Disorderly 
Conduct  Ordinance,  which  is  known  as  2012,  the  courts  will  enforce  it,  giving 
a  sentence  in  the  Bridewell,  and  that  these  men  will  be  afraid  to  hang  around 
and  would  not  hang  around  the  city.  If  this  vagrancy  law  were  enforced 
this  would  clear  the  city  of  those  criminals,  because  they  will  not  work. 
Rather  than  engage  in  any  steady  industry,  they  will  leave  the  town.  Conse- 
quently, we  believe  that  the  enforcement  of  this  law  would  be  the  most  efifect- 
ive  way  of  ridding  the  town  of  the  habitual  criminals  who  commit  90%  of  the 
crime. 

The  Court  stated  from  the  bench  that  it  was  the  first  time  that  he  had 
ever  seen  cases  properly  prosecuted  under  the  State  Vagrancy  Act.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  practically  the  entire  body  of  professional  criminals  who  now 
infest  the  city  would  be  driven  out  by  a  vigorous  application  of  this  effective 
law. 

The  two  difficulties  ordinarily  encountered  are,  first,  the  absence  of  definite 
evidence  showing  that  the  defendant  has  no  lawful  occupation.  This  can  be 
overcome   either   by   the    method   employed    in    the   above    cases — namely,    by 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  171 

special  investigators— or  it  may  be  done  by  the  regular  police  force.  A  card 
index  system  could  be  kept,   keeping  record  of  all  the  suspicious  characters 

and  mdicatmg,  for  instance,  the  following  items:  "the  defendant, ,  was 

seen  hanging  about,  not  doing  any  work."  Another  officer  from  the  same  dis- 
trict might  send  in  the  same  report  another  day.  If  this  information  was  put 
together  properly,  when  assembled  it  would  constitute  sufficient  evidence  that 
the  accused  did  not  have  any  regular  or  lawful  occupation;  that  he  had  a 
criminal  record,  and  that  he  hung  about  saloons  or  gambling  places.  If 
Slim,  for  example,  having  a  criminal  record,  was  seen  hanging  around  today 
by  one  officer  and  tomorrow  by  another,  or  by  the  same  officer  on  a  series 
of  days,  it  could  easily  be  shown  that  he  had  no  lawful  occupation. 

The  second  defense  is  by  means  of  the  alibi.  The  defendant  usually  comes 
in  and  declares  that  he  is  employed  at  some  place,  and  he  will  have  a  witness 
or  witnesses  to  swear  that  he  has  been  so  occupied.  In  the  cases  handled  for 
the  Committee,  the  moment  the  arrest  was  made  the  officer  was  instructed  to 
ask  the  men  what  they  were  doing  and  where  they  were  working.  The  officer 
questioned  them  with  the  greatest  thoroughness  about  their  employment  for 
the  past  month  and  obtained  names  and  addresses.  The  officer  was  instructed 
immediately  after  the  arrest  to  go  directly  to  these  persons  and  ascertain 
whether  the  statements  made  by  the  defendants  were  correct.  It  can  be  made 
perfectly  plain  to  the  parties  whose  names  are  given  as  employers  that  the 
entire  truth  is  sought,  and  if  it  is  not  given  that  anyone  who  suppresses  it 
will  be  liable  to  charges  of  perjury,  and  in  addition  to  a  charge  of  criminal 
conspiracy.  In  that  event,  the  alibi  furnished  as  waiters  and  bartenders,  or 
like  favorite  devices,  would  be  far  less  frequent  and  useful.  Energetic  and 
intelligent  handling  of  this  situation  would  make  effective  enforcement  of  the 
Vagrancy  Act  possible.  It  would  destroy  the  principal  obstacle  that  has  de- 
feated the  law  and  the  court  and  prevented  judges  from  acting  vigorously 
under  it.  As  an  illustration  of  the  frequency  of  the  alibi  practice,  the  follow- 
ing report  is  illuminating: 

"One  of  the  investigators  went  to  one  of  these  notorious  hangouts 
that  has  been  given.  The  head  of  that  hangout  agreed  to  take  any 
jewelry  from  him  that  he  might  get.  He  further  said:  T  will  give  you 
the  name  of  a  man  that  you  can  see  if  you  are  arrested  for  vagrancy. 
You  call  him  up  and  you  can  have  him  tell  them  that  you  are  working 
for  him.'  He  said:  'You  give  them  the  telephone  number  and  if  the 
police  call  up  he  will  say,  yes,  he  is  working  for  me.'  " 

Illustrating  the  importance  of  physical  and  mental  examination  of  persons 
found  guilty  of  any  charge  before  sentence  is  the  experience  of  the  Committee 
with  the  three  persons  found  guilty  under  the  Vagrancy  Law.  Two  of  these 
submitted  to  an  examination  by  Dr.  Hickson  of  the  Psychopathic  Laboratory. 
One  of  them  was  found  to  be  a  dope-fiend  and  the  other  an  alcoholic.  In 
imposing  the  six  months'  sentence,  therefore,  note  was  made  of  the  fact  that 
one  should  be  given  the  cure  for  the  drug  habit  and  the  other  should  be  given 
the  cure  for  alcoholism.  The  third  defendant  refused  to  permit  an  examina- 
tion, but  after  some  weeks  in  the  Bridewell  asked  voluntarily  for  an  examina- 
tion. His  family  history  on  both  sides  was  found  to  be  extremely  bad,  with 
melancholia  on  one  side  and  suicide  on  the  other.  He  was  pronounced  by 
Dr.  Hickson  a  sociopath,  that  is  a  person  of  higher  grade  than  a  moron,  but 
one  who  finds  great  difficulty  in  getting  on  with  those  around  him.  Such  a 
defendant  really  requires  a  sheltered  life  in  which  he  may  be  so  far  as  possi- 
ble protected  from  evil  associates  and  environments. 

The  following  concrete  practical  suggestions  on  the  subject  of  vagrancy 
were  presented  to  the  Committee  by  Mr.  Dannenberg: 

"The  reorganization  system  provided  for  a  series  of  records,  to  keep  a 
check  on  vagrants,  as  well  as  other  ofifenders,  and  at  present  there  is  a  printed 
report  blank  (see  exhibit  "C"),  to  be  filled  out  in  case  a  vagrant  is  found. 
Upon  investigation,  however,  it  has  been  ascertained  that  this  form  is  not  as 
practical  as  many  others  might  be.  I  have  taken  this  phase  of  the  work  up 
with  some  of  the  municipal  judges,  and  explained  to  them  a  card  system,  which 
I  have  advocated  for  some  time,  in  regard  to  vagrants.  All  of  the  judges 
to  whom  I  have  spoken  have  approved  of  this  simple  and  convenient  method, 
which  is  as  follows:  It  would  simply  be  a  small  printed  card,  running  some- 
thing like  this:  Name,  address,  place  of  employment,  employer's  name,  de- 
scription,   where    found,    remarks,    date,    and    officer.     Each    officer    would    be 


172  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

required  to  carry  a  number  of  these  cards  with  him  at  all  times,  and  when- 
ever he  had  occasion  to  believe  that  any  individual  upon  his  post  did  not  have 
any  lawful  means  of  support,  it  would  be  his  duty  to  fill  out  one  of  these  cards. 
He  would  then  ascertain  whether  it  was  true  that  the  person  worked  at  the 
place  he  claimed.  If  not,  the  card  would  be  filed  in  the  alphabetical  file  in 
the  station.  The  next  time  this  officer  found  the  same  individual  on  his  post, 
he  would  do  likewise,  and,  in  turn,  every  other  officer  who  found  him  on  his 
or  any  other  post.  The  result  would  be  that  in  a  very  short  time,  there  would 
be  five  or  six  cards  turned  in  on  one  individual.  That  would  constitute  suffi- 
cient evidence  to  secure  a  conviction  under  the  vagrancy  statute.  The 
captain  or  some  other  subordinate  should  go  through  those  files  every  so 
often,  and  pick  out  all  cases  where  there  was  sufficient  evidence  to  secure 
warrants,  and  cause  the  arrest  of  the  offender.  This  would  be  a  very  simple 
way  of  securing  sufficient  evidence  to  secure  convictions  on  the  vagrancy 
law,  and  the  cards  would  all  be  admissible  as  evidence,  because  of  the  fact 
that  they  were  taken  in  the  presence  of  the  defendant,  and  at  the  time  the 
questions  were  asked. 

"Under  the  present  system,  there  is  not  any  organized  attempt  being  made 
to  keep  a  thorough  and  up-to-date  record  on  various  characters  which  are  to 
be  found  in  any  police  district. 

"If  a  report  system,  as  I  have  outlined,  was  in  force,  it  would  be  a  simple 
matter  to  have  a  card  index  file  on  every  bad  character  in  every  district. 
What  they  have  now  does  not  amount  to  anything. 

"As  an  example,  I  will  cite  some  personal  experiences  along  this  line: 

"A  year  ago  about  this  time  I  was  in  charge  of  all  vice  work.  In  the  vari- 
ous districts  where  vice  flourished  I  found  nearly  every  place  operating  with 
the  aid  of  one.  two  or  more  'look-outs.'  A  'look-out'  was  an  individual  (I  would 
not  disgrace  the  word  man  by  classifying  them  as  such),  whose  duty  it  was 
to  remain  outside  the  premises  occupied  by  his  employer  and  watch  for  the 
police,  my  men,  or  myself.  If  he  saw  any  one  of  the  three  mentioned  he  would 
signal  those  within  to  lay  low  or  hide.  I  have  seen  as  many  as  thirty  or 
thirty-five  such  characters  in  a  district  six  blocks  long  and  four  blocks  wide, 
while  ten  or  twelve  patrolmen  patroled  the  streets,  hour  after  hour,  without 
molesting  one  of  them.  They,  in  fact,  paid  no  attention  to  a  patrolman,  but 
would  run  when  I  appeared,  because  I  was  ousting  them  from  time  to  time. 
I  asked  them  why  they  were  not  molested  by  the  police  of  the  district, 
and  was  told  they  could  not  get  anything  on  them,  nor  could  they  drive  them 
out.  After  some  weeks  of  activity  on  my  part,  they  organized  a  so-called 
club,  thinking  that  if  they  ran  to  the  club  house  when  I  appeared,  that  they 
would  be  immune.  I  then  had  the  cards  printed,  as  I  have  advocated,  and 
one  night  entered  the  so-called  club  and  took  the  names,  addresses,  places  of 
employment,  etc.,  of  every  one,  about  thirty  or  more  in  number.  The  result 
was,  the  club  broke  up  and  they  all  quit  the  district  almost  at  once. 

"What's  the  matter  with  doing  this  same  thing  with  tough  pool-rooms, 
saloons,  and  other  places  of  bad  repute?  All  you  need,  is  to  find  them  there 
a  few  times,  after  you  find  they  have  no  lawful  means  of  support,  and  then 
you  can  arrest  all  for  vagrancy.  It  is  not  hard  to  secure  convictions  under 
this  statute,  if  handled  properly." 

5.  RELATION  OF  CRIME  TO  PROSTITUTION,  DOPE,  LIQUOR  and  GAMBLING 

The  work  of  the  investigators  developed  a  close  inter-relationship  be- 
tween prostitution,  the  use  of  habit-forming  drugs,  the  excessive  use  of  liquor, 
gambling,  and  professional  crime.  In  general  these  various  forms  of  activity 
are  linked  together  very  closely,  and  their  study  in  combination  throws  much 
light  on  the  characteristics  of  the  so-called  underworld. 

The  habitual  criminal  is  very  likely  to  live  with  some  woman  whose  pro- 
tector he  is,  and  who  prostitutes  herself  for  his  profit.  He  may  be  merely  the 
"lover"  of  this  woman.  He  may  be  working  as  a  pimp,  who  procures  trade 
for  her,  or  he  may  be  serving  as  a  go-between  with  the  police.  The  use  of 
habit-forming  drugs,  such  a  morphine,  cocaine,  opium,  heroin,  and  other  simi- 
lar derivatives,  is  extremely  common,  not  only  among  prostitutes  but  also 
among  criminals.  The  habitual  criminal  is  likely  to  be  not  only  the  protector 
of  a  woman,  but,  with  her,  to  use  some  one  of  the  habit-forming  drugs. 

Alcoholism  is  also  closely  connected  with  professional  criminality.  This 
is  true,  however,  not  so  much  of  the  higher  grade  criminals  who  require 
intelligence  and  nerve  as  of  the  lower  types,  such  as  the  stick-up  man  or  so- 
called  cheap  thief.     The  alcoholic  cannot  easily  become  a  member  of  an  expert 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  173 

gang  because  of  the  danger  that  he  will  not  be  able  to  control  himself  while 
conducting  a  "job,"  or  that  his  tongue  may  be  loosened  to  such  an  extent 
that  he  will  talk  too  freely  after  the  commission  of  a  crime. 

The  same  thing  is  true  of  the  dope  fiend  who  in  his  last  stages  becomes 
incapable  of  work  at  any  time,  except  the  desultory  activity  of  a  sneak  thief, 
or  the  casual  sticking  up  of  some  person,  under  the  spur  of  necessity,  for 
money  to  buy  the  drug  desired.  Gambling  is,  of  course,  a  comon  practice 
among  professional  criminals,  who  while  away  their  leisure  hours  in  various 
games  of  chance.  The  psychology  of  the  crook  inclines  him  to  take  a  chance 
rather  than  to  engage  in  any  steady  industry. 

A  desire  for  dope  is  especially  powerful  in  the  creation  of  criminals.  Once 
the  deadly  habit  is  formed,  its  victim  will  resort  to  any  method  to  obtain 
his  favorite  drug.  The  sense  of  morality  is  deadened  and  the  woman  victim 
usually  becomes  a  prostitute  or  a  thief,  while  the  man  may  become  a  pimp, 
pickpocket,  prowler,  or  member  of  some  criminal  gang.  One  of  our  investiga- 
tors testified  that  75%  of  the  users  of  drugs  are  composed  of  the  criminal 
class.  It  is  also  known  that  the  termination  of  the  dope  traffic  would  have 
an  important  effect  in  reducing  the  amount  of  crime. 

In  the  hearings  before  the  Commission,  the  following  testimony  was 
given: 

The  Chairman:     One  of  the  most  practical  ways  of  making  the  city 

an  unpleasant  place  for  criminals,  would  be  to  cut  off  the  dope? 
Mr.  Altz:     Absolutely.     There  is  no  question  about  that  at  all. 
The   Chairman:     They  do   not  want   to   hang  around  where   there  is 

not  any  dope?     Or,  where  there  is  not  a  red-light  district? 

Mr.  Altz:     That  is  true,  those  two  things  together,  are,  I  think,  great 

causes  for  crime. 

The   Chairman:     If  the  city  broke  up  the  dope  traffic  and  broke  up 

the  red-light  district,  wouldn't  it  be  avoided  by  many  professional  crim- 
inals and  crooks? 

Mr.  Altz:     Yes,  that  is  true.     No  one  will  dispute  that. 

The  dope  habit  is  often  formed  either  in  a  house  of  prostitution  or  a 
poolroom.  Ninety  per  cent  of  the  prostitutes  use  drugs  in  one  form  or  another, 
and  they  frequently  initiate  their  visitors  into  these  drug  using  habits.  Or 
the  drug  may  be  obtained  around  various  poolrooms  or  other  places,  where 
so-called  "runners"  peddle  their  dope.  They  build  up  regular  "routes"  along 
which  they  deliver  to  their  several  customers  the  various  drugs.  These 
"routes"  cover  saloons,  poolrooms,  houses  of  prostitution  and  so  forth.  It 
is  estimated  that  there  are  from  75  to  100  runners  in  Chicago  who  are  engaged 
in  the  retail  sale  of  cocaine,  heroin,  opium,  morphine,  and  so  on.  The  investi- 
gation shows  that  high-class  criminals  and  prostitutes  use  opium,  while 
boosters,  shoplifters  and  pickpockets  are  addicted  to  cocaine  and  heroin,  which 
is  obtained  at  less  expense. 

Once  in  the  clutches  of  the  drug,  the  victim  is  readily  recruited  into  the 
criminal  ranks.     A  specific  instance  of  this  was  reported  as  follows: 

" ,  international  safe  blower,  makes  safe  jobs  all  over  the  United 

States.  This  man  was  a  country  boy  and  came  to  Chicago,  entering  a  machine 
shop  to  learn  the  trade  of  a  machinist.  After  working  at  the  trade  about  two 
years,  he  married  a  girl  named ,  and  went  to  keeping  house  in  a  near- 
by suburb,  near  to  where  he  worked.  In  company  with  his  wife  he  visited 
Sunday  night  dances.     At  one  of  these  dances  he  met  a  prostitute  known  as 

,   who   became  very  much    infatuated   with   him.     After  meeting   him 

several  times,  the  prostitute  induced  him  to  abandon  his  wife,  and  go  with  her 

to  St.  Louis,  where  she  opened  up  a  house  of  prostitution,  and  was 

her  pimp.  While  in  St.  Louis,  acting  as  a  pimp,  he  became  acquainted  with  a 
number  of  other  men  who  were  acting  as  pimps  for  other  women.  As  usual, 
these  groups  of  men  are  composed  of  criminals,  and  because  of  his  early  train- 
ing as  a  machinist,  safe-blowing  became  easy  to  him.  He  soon  became  very 
efficient  in  the  business.  He  made  lots  of  money  and  she  gave  up  her  house 
of  prostitution  in  St.  Louis  and  removed  to  Chicago,  and  she  is  working  as  a 
prostitute   occasionally   when   the   burglar   and   safe-blowing  business   is   bad." 

" -,  19  years  old,  mother  and  father  both  dead  since  boy  was  seven 

years  old.     Brought  up  by  relatives  in  Peoria,  Illlinois.     Came  to  Chicago  and 

worked    for    at    street.      Frequented    poolrooms    and    met 

. was  a  user  of  habit-forming  drugs,  and  induced  him   to 

begin  the  habit.     While  under  the  influence  of  drugs,  he  burglarized  a  tailor 


174  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

shop.  He  was  arrested,  plead  guilty  to  the  charge  of  burglary  and  held 
to  the  grand  jury." 

" ,  20  years  old,  mother  dead,  father  an  engineer.     He  had  been 

previously  arrested  on  a  disorderly  conduct  charge,  but  was  discharged  by  the 
court.  Drunk  at  the  time  of  his  arrest.  Constantly  employed;  never  got  into 
any  trouble  except  when  under  the  influence  of  liquor.  While  employed  by 
the  Lake  Shore  Railroad  Company  as  a  brakeman  at  a  salary  of  $88  a  month, 
he  and  another  young  man  got  drunk  and  held  up  a  street  car  at  63rd  and 
Wabash  avenue,  taking  $6  from  the  conductor.  He  was  caught  and  identified 
by  the  conductor,  while  still  drunk." 

"A  young  man  frequented  a  house  of  prostitution  on  22nd  street.  This 
is  where  he  acquired  the  dope  habit.  He  had  a  girl  there,  a  sweetheart,  and 
it  was  not  long  before  he  was  not  able  to  perform  any  work  at  all.  It  was 
not  long  before  he  branched  out  into  a  first-class  pickpocket.  He  was  arrested 
a  number  of  times  as  a  pickpocket  and  shoplifter.  After  he  started  using  the 
drug,  it  was  not  long  before  he  had  associated  with  thieves  and  pickpockets, 
because  most  of  those  people  around  in  that  district  used  drugs." 

After  a  course  in  the  use  of  dope,  the  victim  becomes  incapable  of  expert 
criminal  work,  and  then  many  of  the  most  serious  crimes,  such  as  stick-ups  and 
even  murder,  are  committed  in  order  to  obtain  money  to  buy  the  drug.  A  pro- 
fessional criminal  runs  down  the  scale  of  crime.  He  may  start  as  a  rather 
"high-class"  crook.  If  he  acquires  the  dope  habit,  he  goes  on  to  easier  and 
simpler  crimes.  He  may  finally  reach  such  a  condition  physically,  that  he 
is  unable  to  work  with  mobs.  He  may  go  then,  get  a  gun  and  hold  somebody 
up.  This  requires  some  nerve,  but  under  the  influence  of  the  drug,  he  is  able 
to  summon  nerve  for  a  short  time.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  general 
suppression  of  the  dope  traffic,  prostitution,  gambling,  and  the  sale  of  liquor 
to  minors  and  habitual  drunkards,  would  very  materially  reduce  the  amount 
of  crime.  The  city  in  which  these  commodities  are  not  easily  obtainable 
would  not  long  be  inhabited  by  criminals  of  the  professional  type.  They  would 
soon  seek  other  quarters  more  congenial.  The  pickpocket  without  his  dope 
and  his  prostitute,  would  not  linger  long  if  there  was  any  place  else  for  him 
to  go.  The  very  fact  that  congenial  groups  of  criminals  may  be  found  in  a 
great  city  at  well-known  rendezvous  where  prostitutes,  dope,  and  gambling 
are  easily  available,  is  one  of  the  factors  in  drawing  the  groups  of  profes- 
sional   thieves,    safe-crackers    and    others   to    Chicago. 

In  this  connection,  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  present  law  regarding 
the  use  of  habit-forming  drugs  be  so  amended  as  to  provide  a  prison  term 
instead  of  a  fine  for  those  engaging  in  the  dope  traffic,  or  for  those  who  have 
been  convicted  of  a  crime  and  are  found  to  be  under  the  influence  of  the  dope 
habit.  It  is  also  suggested  that  the  state  law  be  so  amended  as  to  leave  no 
doubt  as  to  the  inclusion  of  drugs  other  than  cocaine,  the  only  one  specified 
in  the  statute.  Under  the  present  ordinance,  the  maximum  fine  is  $100.  Under 
the  state  law,  of  course,  a  heavier  sentence  may  be  imposed. 

In  conclusion,  attention  is  drawn  to  the   following  considerations: 

FIRST:  The  enormous  influence  of  dope,  drink,  prostitution  and  gam- 
bling, as  recruiting  agencies  for  new  generations  of  criminals. 

SECOND:  The  influence,  particularly  of  alcohol  and  dope  commonly 
used  by  professional  criminals  in  driving  them  to  desperate  deeds  of  violence, 
such   as   hold-ups,   assault,   and  even   murders. 

THIRD:  The  intimate  relation  between  professional  criminality,  the  use 
of  habit  forming  drugs,  excessive  use  of  alcohol,  gambling  and  prostitution. 
These  are  the  pillars  of  the  underworld,  and  whenever  one  is  weakened,  the 
power  of  the  others  is  correspondingly  reduced. 

6.     POLICE  ORGANIZATION  AND  METHODS 

Th  matter  of  police  organization  was  considered  under  various  heads, 
namely: 

1.  The  effectiveness  of  the  patrol  system. 

2.  The  reports  made  by  detective  sergeants. 

3.  Operators'  pull  sheets. 

4.  The  police  attorney. 

5.  Handling   of   cases   before    Civil    Service    Commission. 

6.  Handling  of  vice  reports. 

7.  Schooling  of  members  of  department. 

8.  Refusal  of  warrants  in  certain  cases. 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  175 

The  major  part  of  this  work  was  conducted  by  Mr.  W.  C.  Dannenberg 
under  the  supervision  of  Mr.  Dobyns. 

Effectiveness  of  the   Patrol   System. 

The  purpose  of  this  investigation  was  to  show  the  general  activities  of 
the  uniformed  branch  of  the  Police  Department.  It  was  frequently  asserted 
that  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  various  crime  waves,  such  as  hold-ups,  rob- 
beries, and  burglaries  of  all  descriptions,  was  the  neglect  of  duty  on  the 
part  of  the  uniformed  branch  of  the  service,  which  has  to  do  with  the  patrol- 
ling of  the  various  precincts,  which  includes  patrolmen,  patrol  sergeants,  and 
the  commanding  officer  of  the  precinct. 

A  certain  number  of  patrolmen  are  assigned  to  every  district  on  each 
tourof  duty,  their  post  being  proportioned  off  according  to  the  size  of  the 
precinct,  and  the  number  of  men  assigned.  The  first  duty  of  the  patrolman 
is  to  walk  his  post  and  keep  track,  in  general,  of  everything  that  is  going  on 
on  his  post.  The  patrol  sergeant's  duty  is  to  leave  his  precinct  headquar- 
ters with  the  patrolmen,  and  remain  in  the  precinct,  overseeing  the  work  of 
the  patrolmen,  meeting  each  occasionally,  and  keeping  in  communication  with 
his  station  until  the  tour  of  duty  is  at  an  end.  It  is  up  to  the  commanding 
officer  of  any  precinct  or  district  to  see  that  the  patrolmen  and  patrol  ser- 
geants are  doing  their  full  duty.  The  officer  in  command  is  also  expected  to 
get  around  his  district  occasionally  during  his  tour  of  duty,  so  that  he  will 
know,  of  his  own  knowledge,  what  is   going  on. 

It  therefore  resolves  itself  into  this  issue:  If  the  patrolman  spends  his 
time  in  saloons,  theaters  and  other  places,  instead  of  patrolling  his  beat  in 
the  proper  manner,  not  only  is  he  guilty  of  neglect  of  duty  and  inefficiency, 
but  the  patrol  sergeant,  his  immediate  superior,  should  be  held  strictly  respon- 
sible for  allowing  such  conditions  to  prevail. 

If  a  patrol  sergeant  should  spend  six  of  seven  hours  of  his  tour  of  duty 
lying  around  his  station,  instead  of  being  in  the  precinct  with  his  men,  not 
only  is  he  guilty  of  neglect  of  duty  and  inefficiency,  but  the  commanding 
officer,  whether  he  be  lieutenant  or  captain,  is  equally  as  guilty  for  allowing 
the  patrol  sergeant  to  lie  around  the  station.  It  surely  must  be  considered 
one  of  the  commanding  officer's  duties  to  see  that  his  subordinates  are  doing 
their  duty. 

The  fundamental  principle  of  proper  patrolling  of  any  precinct  is  an 
honest  and  industrious  patrol  sergeant,  for  with  such  a  sergeant,  the  condi- 
tions I  am  about  to  relate  could  not  exist.  If  the  patrolman  sees  his  imme- 
diate superior  loafing,  what  can  be  expected  of  him?  When  he  knows  that 
the  patrol  sergeant  is  not  out  in  the  precinct,  why  should  he  have  any  fear 
about  spending  his  time  in  saloons,  theaters,  or  other  warm  and  comfortable 
places?     Mr.   IDannenberg  says: 

"On  more  than  one  occasion  I  have  actually  searched  for  over  two 
hours  in  a  given  precinct  on  the  main  thoroughfares,  and  side  streets  as  well, 
for  a  patrolman,  but  could  not  find  one.  On  the  other  hand,  I  could  visit 
various  saloons  in  a  precinct  and  find  an  officer  in  a  few  minutes.  We  looked 
for  over  an  hour  for  an  officer  one  night,  without  finding  one,  then  entered 
three  consecutive  saloons,  and  found  an  officer  in  each  one. 

Another  interesting  sidelight  on  this  situation  is,  that  with  but  few  ex- 
ceptions my  assistants  could  pick  up  any  patrolman  they  happened  to  find, 
and  sooner  or  later,  find  him  loafing  on  his  post.  While,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  would  report  to  me  that  they  had  a  certain  patrolman  in  a  certain 
saloon  or  theater  at  a  certain  time,  and  the  next  night  or  two  nights  there- 
after I  was  able  to  visit  the  saloon  or  theater  in  question,  at  the  times  speci- 
fied, and  find  the  same  officer  thereat. 

I  am  only  citing  such  cases  as  those  in  which  we  were  able  to  identify  the 
officer.  There  were  innumerable  cases  where  various  officers  were  found_  in 
saloons,  theaters  and  other  places,  but  we  could  not  ascertain  their  identity, 
as  in  a  number  of  places  I  was  recognized  by  either  the  officer  or  some  one 
else  connected  with  the  place  where  the  officer  was  found,  with  the  result  the 
officer  usually  made  such  haste  to  depart  that  he  left  his  drink  on  the  bar 
unconsumed." 

The  following  conditions  are  typical  examples  of  conditions  which  we 
found  during  this  investigation:  The  star  numbers  listed  below  were,  in  most 
cases,  taken"  by  the  investigator  or  investigators  securing  the  evidence.  The 
name's   were    secured   through   the   Police   Department    files,   and   in   all    cases 


176  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

every  attempt  possible  was  made  to  verify  the  number  of  the  star  with  the 
files  in  the  Secretary's  office,  so  there  will  not  be  any  undue  criticism  against 
an   innocent   officer. 

At  about  11:15  p.  m.,  I  was  advised  by  one  of  our  investigators  that  he  had 
followed  two  officers  to  the  Rienzi  saloon,  Clark  and  Diversey.  This  place 
was  kept  under  surveillance  and  at  11:30  p.  m.  officer  A  left  the  saloon. 
This  was  on  January  22,  1915. 

At  about  9:30  p.  m.  officer  B  was  seen  entering  the  Crawford  saloon, 
1600  South  Wabash  avenue,  where  he  remained  until  10:05  p.  m.,  when  he 
proceeded  to  a  saloon  at  65-67  East  Sixteenth  street,  entering  the  same  at 
10:10  p.  m.,  where  he  remained  until  10:25  p.  m. 

At  about  8:15  p.  m.  on  January  22,  1015,  officers  C  and  D  were  seen  in  a 
saloon  at  Milwaukee  and  Grand  avenues,  remaining  there  but  a  few  minutes, 
when  they  went  to  another  saloon  at  Sangamon  and  Ohio,  where  they  re- 
mained until  8:55  p.  m.  At  about  9  p.  m.  they  entered  still  another  saloon  at 
Ohio   and   Morgan,   where   they  remained   for   25   minutes. 

This  officer  D  on  January  25,  1915,  at  about  11  p.  m.,  entered  the  saloon 
on  the  northwest  corner  of  Ohio  and  Sangamon  streets,  where  he  remained 
ior  25  minutes. 

On  January  23,  1915,  at  about  8:25  p.  m.,  officer  E  was  found  in  a 
saloon  at  Elizabeth  and  Austin  streets,  where  he  drank  some  wine,  which 
he  did  not  pay  for.  At  about  11:10  p.  m.  he  was  found  in  a  saloon  at  1057 
Grand   avenue,  where  he   remained  until  about  midnight. 

At  about  12:15  a.  m.,  on  January  24,  1915,  he  entered  the  Grand  Buffet,  at 
Halsted  and  Grand  avenue,  where  he  remained  until  12:30  a.  m.,  when  he 
entered  still  another  saloon  at  503  North  Halsted  street,  where  he  had  a  drink 
and  a  cigar  for  which  he  did  not  pay,  after  which  he  left  by  the  rear  exit  and 
could  not  be  found  thereafter. 

At  about  12:45  a.  m.,  on  January  23,  1915,  officer  F  was  found  in  a  saloon 
at  Superior  and  Noble  streets,  where  he  remained  until  1  a.  m. 

This  same  officer  was,  on  January  26,  1915,  at  8:05  p.  m.,  in  a  motion 
picture  show,  1605  West  Chicago  avenue,  where  he  remained  five  minutes, 
when  he  left  and  entered  the  Alvin  Motion  Picture  Show,  which  is  near  by. 
He  remained  there  until  8:45  p.  m.,  when  he  proceeded  to  the  Hub  Theater, 
also  in  the  near  vicinity,  where  he  remained  until  9  p.  m.,  when  he  pulled  the 
box  at  Chicago  avenue  and  Wood  street.  He  then  returned  directly  to  the 
Hub  Theater,  where  he  remained  until  9:45  p.  m.,  at  which  time  he  went  to  a 
cigar  store,  where  he  remained  until  time  to  pull,  after  which  he  entered  what 
appeared  to  be  a  dance  hall  at  Superior  and  Noble  streets,  where  a  Polish 
wedding  was  in  progress.  He  remained  here  until  10:55  p.  m.,  when  he  pulled 
his  box  and  went  immediately  to  Pudla's  saloon,  at  Huron  and  Bickerdike 
streets,  where  he  remained  for  20  minutes;  thence  to  a  saloon  on  the  north- 
east corner  of  Superior  and  Bickerdike  streets,  where  he  remained  for  ten 
minutes;  thence  to  a  saloon  on  the  northwest  corner  of  Superior  and  Armour 
streets,  where  he  remained  for  20  minutes,  and  then  boarded  a  westbound 
Chicago  avenue  car. 

At  about  12:30  a.  m.,  on  January  24,  1915,  officer  G  was  found  in  the 
saloon  of  Joseph  Ginochio,  at  503  North  Halsted  street,  where  he  remained 
for  at  least  IS  minutes. 

At  about  9  p.  m.,  on  January  25,  1915,  officer  H  entered  the  tailor  shop 
at  58  East  Twelfth  street,  where  he  remained  for  10  minutes,  after  which  he 
entered  the  saloon  of  one  IVIahoney,  a  few  doors  west  of  the  tailor  shop, 
where  he  remained  until  10:35  p.  m.,  at  which  time  he  left  and  pulled  the  box 
at  Fourteenth  and  State  streets,  which  he  did  at  10:40  p.  m.,  and  then  re- 
turned directly  to  a  saloon  on  Michigan  avenue,  just  north  of  Twelfth  street, 
which  he  entered  by  the  alley  entrance.  He  remained  here  until  11:35  p.  m., 
when  he  entered  a  restaurant  in  the  Mayer  Hotel,  at  Twelfth  street  and 
Wabash  avenue,  where  he  remained  for  fifteen  minutes.  Leaving  here  he 
went  directly  to  a  saloon  on  the  northeast  corner  of  Twelfth  and  State  streets, 
where  he  remained  for  ten  minutes,  after  which  he  proceeded  immediately  to 
a  saloon  on  the  southwest  corner  of  Wabash  and  Thirteenth  street. 

According  to  the  operator's  record  in  the  Second  Precinct,  this  officer  is 
credited  with  pulling  at  Twelfth  and  State  streets  at  11:40  p.  m.  I  happened 
to  be  assisting  in  watching  this  officer  myself,  and  know  positively  that  he 
did  not  pull  between  the  hours  of  10:40  p.  m.  and  12:15  a.  m.,  when  we  left 
him  in  a  saloon  at  Wabash  and  Thirteenth  street 


CRIMINAL   CONDITIONS  177 

At  about  8:55  p.  m.  officer  I  entered  the  saloon  at  about  1207  South 
Wabash  avenue,  where  he  remained  for  ten  minutes.  At  9:45  p.  m.,  the  same 
date,  he  again  entered  this  same  saloon  and  remained  ten  minutes.  Again  at 
11:12  p.  m.  he  visited  this  saloon  the  third  time,  and  remained  there  until 
11:20  p.  m.     This  w^as  on  January  25,  1915. 

At  about  8:20  p.  m.,  on  January  25,  1915,  officer  J  went  into  a  side  door 
of  the  Wells  School,  on  Ashland  avenue,  where  he  remained  until  8:45  p  m. 
At  9  p.  m.  he  entered  the  side  door  of  a  saloon  at  1460  West  Chicago  avenue, 
where  he  remained  until  9:45  p.  m.,  when  he  left  by  the  side  door  and  disap- 
peared up  the  alley. 

At  about  11:05  p.  m.,  on  January  25,  1915,  officer  K  was  seen  to  enter  the 
Lomax  saloon,  at  Harrison  and  State  streets,  where  he  remained  for  live 
minutes.  He  then  went  to  the  Gayety  Theater,  on  State  street,  where  he 
remained  for  twenty  minutes,  and  then  proceeded  to  the  Kuntz-Remler  saloon, 
on  Wabash  avenue.     He  was  still  within  at  11:45  p.  m. 

At  about  8:15  p.  m.,  on  January  25,  1915,  oliicer  L  was  seen  entering  the 
Dearborn  Street  Station,  where  he  remained  until  9:35  p.  m. 

At  about  10:35  p.  m.,  on  January  26,  1915,  officer  M  was  found  in  Horn's 
saloon,  at  Southport  and  Belmont  avenues,  where  he  sat  down  and  conversed 
with  a  proprietor  until  11:05  p.  m. 

At  about  7:05  p.  m.,  on  January  26,  1915,  officer  N  was  seen  leaving  the 
Second  Precinct  Station,  when  he  proceeded  directly  to  the  Dearborn  Street 
Station,  where  he  remained  for  fifty  minutes. 

At  about  10:30  p.  m.,  on  January  26,  1915,  officer  O  was  seen  entering  a 
pool  room  at  631  South  State  street,  where  he  remained  for  thirty  minutes. 
He  then  entered  a  barber  shop  at  645  south  State  street,  and  remained  until 
11:25  p.  m.,  when  he  pulled  the  box  at  Harrison  and  State  streets,  at  11:30 
p.  m.  He  then  proceeded  directly  to  the  Alma  Mater  saloon,  on  South  State 
street,  where  he  remained  until  12:25  a.  m.,  and  then  proceeded  to  the  Wabash 
Hotel,  where  he  disappeared  within. 

At  about  9:05  p.  m.,  on  January  27,  1915,  officer  P  was  seen  entering  a 
motion  picture  show  on  Madison  street,  just  east  of  Karlov  avenue,  where 
he  remained  until  9:50  p.  m 

At  about  10:05  p.  m.,  on  January  27,  1915,  officer  Q  was  seen  entering 
the  Victoria  Theater,  Sheffield  and  Belmont  avenues,  where  he  remained  until 
10:25  p.  m.,  at  which  time  he  went  to  a  saloon  at  31b0  Sheffield  avenue,  where 
he  remained  until  11:05  p.  m. 

At  about  7:10  p.  m.,  on  January  27,  officer  R  was  seen  entering  a  motion 
picture  show  at  2419  Wentworth  avenue,  where  he  remained  until  8:05  p.  m., 
then  proceeded  to  a  saloon  at  2556  Wentworth  avenue,  where  he  remained 
fifteen  minutes,  after  which  he  went  dirctly  to  another  saloon  at  the  north- 
west corner  of  Twenty-fifth  and  La  Salle  streets.  At  about  9:10  p.  m.  he 
pulled  the  box  at  Twenty-third  and  Wentworth  avenue,  and  then  returned 
to  the  motion  picture  show  at  2419  Wentworth  avenue,  where  he  remained 
until  10  p.  m.,  when  he  returned  to  the  saloon  on  the  northwest  corner  of 
Twenty-fifth  and  La  Salle  Streets. 

At  about  9:10  p.  m.,  on  January  28,  1915,  this  same  officer  was  seen  enter- 
ing a  motion  picture  theater  at  2419  Wentworth  avenue,  where  he  remained 
until  10  p.  m.  At  about  10:15  p.  m.,  he  entered  a  saloon  on  the  northwest 
corner  of  Twenty-fifth  and  La  Salle  streets,  where  he  remained  until  10:30 
p.  m.,  at  which  time  he  left  and  went  to  a  saloon  at  300  West  Twenty-fourth 
place,  where  he  remained  until  10:55  p.  m. 

At  about  11  p.  m.,  on  January  27,  1915,  officer  S  was  seen  entering  a 
saloon  on  the  northwest  corner  of  Harrison  and  St.  Louis  avenue,  where  he 
had  a  drink  and  remained  until  11:23  p.  m. 

At  about  8:20  p.  m.,  on  January  28,  1915,  officer  T  was  seen  in  a  saloon 
on  the  northwest  corner  of  Twenty-third  and  State  streets,  where  he  remained 
until  9:15  p.  m.  At  abou  10:20  p.  m.,  the  same  date,  he  again  entered  the  same 
saloon,  and  was  still  within  at  11  p.  m. 

On  January  28,  1915,  officer  U  was  found  in  a  saloon  on  the  northwest 
corner  of  Twenty-fifth  and  La  Salle  streets,  at  10:15  p.  m.,  where  he  remained 
until  10:30  p.  m.,  at  which  time  he  proceeded  to  another  saloon  at  300  West 
Twenty-fourth  place,  where  he  remained  until   10:55  p.  m. 

At  about  8:30  p.  m.,  on  January  28,  1915,  officer  V  was  seen  in  Max 
Schmid's  saloon,  Madison  and  Robey  streets,  where  he  remained  until  9:25 
p  m.,  during  which  time  he  was  playing  cards  with  the  patrons  of  the  place. 


^"^^  REPORT  OF  CRIME  COMMITTEE 

At  9:30  p.  m.  he  pulled  the  box  at  Hoyne  and  Madison  street  and  went 
directly  back  to  Schmid's  saloon  and  continued  the  card  game  until  10:30 
p.  m.,  at  which  time  he  pulled  the  box  at  Robey  and  Madison  streets  and 
again  went  directly  to  Schmid's  saloon  and  continued  the  card  game  until 
11:30  p.  m. 

He  did  not  even  see  fit  to  walk  his  post  to  Hoyne  avenue,  but  rode  on  a 
street  car,  pulled  his  box,  and  then  caught  another  car  to  Robey  and  Madison, 
and  re-entered  Schmid's  saloon  and  continued  the  card  game  until  12:30  a.  m. 

At  11:05  p.  m.,  on  January  28,  1915,  officer  W  was  seen  entering  the 
Verhoven  saloon.  Twenty-fourth  and  State  streets. 

The  same  officer,  on  January  30,  1915,  at  about  8  p.  m.,  was  seen  entering 
a  "shanty"  on  the  southwest  corner  of  Twenty-fourth  and  Federal  streets, 
where  he  aided  in  kindling  a  fire,  remaining  there  until  8:55  p.  m 

At  about  8:07  p.  m.,  on  January  28,  1915,  officer  X  was  seen  in  a  motion 
picture  show,  Medora  Theater,  Harrison  street,  near  Tripp  avenue,  where  he 
remained  until  8:55  p.  m.,  when  he  pulled  the  box  at  Forty-fourth  and  Karri- 
son  streets.  He  then  went  to  Frugoli's  saloon,  southeast  corner  of  Harrison 
and  Kostner  avenue,  and  had  a  drink  of  whisky,  w^hich  he  did  not  pay  for,  and 
then  returned  directly  to  the  Medora  Theater  and  remained  there  until  9:50 
p.  m.,  when  he  visited  Minucciani's  saloon,  northeast  corner  of  Van  Buren 
street  and  Keeler  avenue.  He  remained  only  a  few  minutes  and  then  pulled 
the  box  at  Keeler  avenue  and  Jackson  boulevard,  and  returned  to  the  Medora 
Theater  at  10:05  p.  m.,  where  he  remained  until  10:35  p.  m.  At  10:40  p.  m.  and 
at  1:05  a.  m.  he  disappeared  in  a  narrow  passageway  about  4246  Harrison 
street,  which  leads  to  a  bakery  At  1:50  a.  m.  he  reappeared  from  the  same 
passageway  and  pulled  the  box  and  returned  to  the  same  passageway. 

This  same  officer,  on  January  29,  1915,  at  about  9:30  p.  m.,  was  found  in 
the  Medora  Theater,  Harrison  street,  near  Tripp  avenue,  where  he  remained 
until  10  p.  m. 

On  January  29,  1915,  officer  Y  entered  the  Rex  Theater,  Madison  street, 
near  Wood  street,  where  he  remained  until  9  p.  m.  At  about  10  p.  m.,  same 
date,  he  entered  the  motion  picture  show  on  Madison  street,  three  doors  west 
of  Western  avenue.  About  five  minutes  later  a  street  car  stopped  at  the  cor- 
ner looking  for  an  officer  Some  one  directed  the  conductor  into  the  theater. 
This  officer  came  out  with  the  conductor,  but  other  officers  had  arrived  in  the 
meantime.  This  officer  then  re-entered  the  theater,  where  he  remained  until 
11  p.  m. 

At  about  8:10  p.  m.,  on  January  29,  1915,  officer  Z  was  seen  entering  the 
Yale  Theater,  where  he  remained  until  8:55  p.  m.,  when  he  left  to  make  a  pull  at 
Sixty-third  and  Steward  avenue,  after  which  he  proceeded  to  the  Marlowe 
Theater,  Sixty-third  and  Stewart  avenue,  arriving  there  at  9:05  p.  m.,  and  re- 
mained until  9:45  p.  m.,  then  went  to  Fifty-ninth  and  Wentworth  avenue  and 
pulled  the  box  at  10  p.  m.,  and  then  '^ntered  an  alley  leading  to  the  Marlowe 
Theater,  where  Vie  disappeared  until  10:55  p.  m.,  when  he  came  out  of  the  same 
alley,  and  pulled  the  box  at  Sixty-third  and  Stewart.  At  11:05  p.  m.  he  en- 
tered Schultz's  bakery,  356  West  Sixty-third  street,  where  he  remained  until 
11:45  p.  m.  At  12:15  p.  m.  he  returned  to  Schultz's  Ijakery,  where  he  remained 
until  12:55  a.  m.  Again  at  1:05  a.  m.,  he  returned  to  Schultz's  bakery,  remain- 
ing until  1:50  a.  m.,  and  returning  still  again  at  2:25  a.  m.,  where  he  remained 
until  2:55  a.  m.,  at  which  time  he  pulled  box  at  Sixty-third  and  Stewart,  and 
returned  to  station. 

This  same  officer,  on  January  30,  at  about  10  p.  m.,  was  seen  entering 
pasageway  to  bakery  on  Wentworth  avenue,  between  Fifty-ninth  and  Sixtieth 
streets,  near  a  motion  picture  theater.  At  11:15  p.  m.  he  came  out  of  the 
motion  picture  theater. 

At  about  10:25  p.  m.,  on  January  30,  1915,  officer  Al  was  seen  entering  a 
motion  picture  show  on  Wentworth  avenue,  near  Fifty-ninth  street,  where  he 
remained  until   11:15  p.  m. 

On  January  30,  1915,  at  about  8:15  p.  m.,  a  shanty  was  being  watched  at 
Twenty-fourth  and  Federal  streets.  No  one  entered  or  left  this  place  until 
8:55  p.  m.,  when  officer  Bl  left,  in  company  with  another  officer.  Between 
8:15  p.  m.  and  8:55  p.  m.  two  officers  could  be  seen  in  the  "shanty,"  and  could 
be  heard  kindling  a  fire. 

At  about  8:40  p.  m.,  on  January  31,  1915,  officer  CI  was  seen  entering  the 
Imperial  Theater,  1210  East  Sixty-third  street,  where  he  remained  until  9:25 
p.  m.     He  then  pulled  the  box  at  Sixty-third  and  Dorchester  at  9:30  p.  m.,  and 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  179 

went  directly  to  1406  East  Sixty-third  street,  a  laundry  company,  where  he 
remained  until  10:25  p.  m.,  when  he  pulled  the  box  at  Sixty-third  and  Wood- 
lawn  avenue.  He  then  proceeded  to  Parmelee  Express  Co.,  near  the  i.  C. 
tracks,  where  he  remained  until  11:25  p.  m.  At  11:30  p.  m.  he  pulled  the  box 
at  Sixty-third  and  Dorchester  avenue,  after  which  he  returned  to  the  laundry 
at  1406  East  Sixty-third  street,  where  he  remained  until  12:25  a.  m. 

After  pulling  the  box  at  Sixty-third  and  VVoodlawn  avenue,  at  12:40  a.  m., 
he  returned  to  the  Parmelee  Express  Co.,  and  remained  there  until  1:20  a.  m., 
when  he  again  pulled  the  box  at  Sixty-third  and  Dorchester,  and  again  pro- 
ceeded to  the  laundry  at  1406  East  Sixty-third  street,  where  he  remained  until 
2:25  a.  m.,  when  he  again  pulled  the  box  at  Sixty-third  and  Woodlawn  avenue. 

At  about  1  a.  m.,  February  2,  1915,  officer  Dl  was  seen  in  a  laundry  at 
1406  East  Sixty-third  street,  where  he  remained  until  1:55  a.  m. 

During  the  course  of  this  investigation,  especial  attention  has  been  paid 
to  the  general  activities  of  patrol  sergeants  in  the  various  precincts  all  over 
the  city.  It  was  quite  a  rare  occasion  that  either  I,  or  any  of  my  assistants, 
were  able  to  find  a  patrol  sergeant  out  in  his  precinct.  The  fact  that  we  were 
out  for  that  purpose  must  not  be  lost  sight  of  in  this  regard. 

Out  of  four  precinct  stations  that  were  put  under  surveillance  from  7 
p.  m.  to  3  a.  m.  the  following  morning,  or,  in  other  words,  covering  an  entire 
tour  of  duty,  our  men  found  but  one  patrol  sergeant  out  of  the  four  who  was 
out  in  his  precinct  doing  patrol  sergeant  duty.  He  spent  about  three  and  one- 
half  hours  out  of  the  eight  out  in  his  district. 

By  looking  into  the  general  conditions  one  night  of  recent  date,  a  visit 
was  made  to  the  Thirty-third  Precinct,  where  we  found  about  a  dozen  or  four- 
teen officers  seated  around  two  tables  in  the  squad  room,  playing  cards.  One 
table  was  an  ordinary  saloon  card  table,  with  beer  pockets  on  the  corners, 
while  the  other  was  an  oblong  table.  The  games  being  played  appeared  to  be 
poker.  Money  was  on  the  table,  and  the  conversation  could  be  heard  about 
losing  or  winning  so  much  on  a  certain  hand.  You  could  even  hear  money 
rattle  on  the  tables  from  the  sidewalk. 

About  two  months  ago,  while  I  was  Inspector  of  Morals  Conditions,  I 
took  the  necessary  steps  to  stop  a  poker  game  that  was  running  there  at  that 
time. 

At  about  9:10  p.  m.,  on  January  30,  1915,  officer  El  was  seen  entering  a 
motion  picture  theater  on  Crawford  avenue,  between  Harrison  and  Congress 
streets,  east  side  of  the  street,  where  he  remained  until  10  p.  m.,  when  he 
came  out  and  boarded  an  eastbound  Harrison  street  car,  riding  to  Inde- 
pendence boulevard,  where  he  pulled  his  box,  caught  another  car  back  to 
Crawford,  where  he  entered  the  elevated  station  at  Crawford  and  Colorado 
avenues,  where  it  was  found  he  was  collecting  fares  in  the  cashier's  booth. 
He  remained  here  for  twenty  minutes.  At  about  10:30  p.  m.  he  entered  the 
same  motion  picture  theater,  where  he  remained  until  10:55  p.  m. 

On  January  29,  1915,  at  about  7:10  p.  m.,  officer  Fl  entered  an  alley  be- 
tween Congress  and  Van  Buren  streets,  from  Crawford  avenue,  which  leads 
to  his  residence  at  4012  West  Congress  street.  He  disappeared  toward  the 
rear  door  of  his  residence.  His  house  was  covered  until  8:05  p.  m.,  but  he 
was  not  seen  leaving  during  that  time.  At  about  9  p.  m.  this  same  officer  was 
seen  going  north  on  Crawford  avenue,  just  south  of  Congress  street,  when 
he  disappeared  up  the  same  alley,  and  apparently  entered  the  same  yard  as  he 
did  previously.  This  house  was  again  watched  until  10  p.  m.,  but  the  officer 
was  not  seen  leaving  his  home. 

At  about  7:05  p.  m.,  on  January  30,  1915,  this  some  officer  pulled  the  box 
at  the  corner  of  Crawford  and  Harrison  street,  after  which  he  went  down 
the  alley  to  4012  West  Congress  street  to  his  home  and  entered  his  back  door. 
The  rear  and  front  entrances  of  this  house  were  watched  until  8:35  p.  m.,  but 
the  officer  did  not  reappear.  At  11:20  p.  m.  the  same  evening,  was  the  next 
time  this  officer  was  seen,  when  he  stood  at  the  box  at  Crawford  and  Har- 
rison until  11:30  p.  m.,  at  which  time  he  pulled  the  box  and  reported  to  the 
lieutenant  that  he  had  hurt  his  back,  after  which  he  went  directly  to  his  home." 

Reports   Made  by   Deputy  Sergeants. 

There  are  between  five  and  six  hundred  plain-clothes  officers,  known  as 
first  and  second  class  detective  sergeants,  stationed  at  the  Central  Bureau 
and  in  the  various  precincts.  No  efifective  attempt  is  made  on  the  part  of 
commanding  officers  and  other  executives  of  the  department,  to  keep  a  de- 
tailed check  on  what  each  man   is   doing.     Mr.   Dannenberg  says   that  "until 


180  REPORT  OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

recently  there  was  really  no  regular  report  system.  The  reorganization  ordi- 
nance, however,  stipulated  that  all  detective  sergeants  should  make  daily  re- 
ports, and  in  this  connection  report  blanks  have  been  furnished.  This  form 
is  not  practical  for  such  work,  for  various  reasons.  What  is  there  about 
this  report  to  prevent  a  plain-clothes  officer  from  loafing  in  some  saloon, 
or  elsewhere,  during  the  entire  time  of  his  supposed  tour  of  duty.  Suppose 
a  plain  clothes  officer  reports  at  the  Detective  Bureau,  or  his  station,  at 
7  p.  m.,  goes  out  and  does  not  do  one  minute  of  police  duty,  except  ring 
up  every  two  hours,  and  reports  in  at  3  a.  m.,  makes  out  his  report  on  the 
form  used,  filling  in  all  spaces — how  is  a  commanding  officer  going  to  know 
what  he  has  done  from  that  report?  Now,  take  a  form  such  as  I  recom- 
mended to  the  Committee  when  I  appeared  before  it  at  its  public  hearing 
or  one  very  similar.  The  plain  clothes  officer  must  assign  the  title  of  the 
case  he  is  working  on,  the  time  he  spent  on  that  particular  case,  what  he 
actually  did,  name  and  address  of  any  and  all  witnesses,  and,  briefly,  what 
they  know.  If  he  works  on  more  than  one  case  he  repeats  this  same  form. 
What  is  the  result?  The  commanding  officer,  or  any  other  interested  or 
authorized  person  could  ascertain  at  a  glance  what  each  officer  was  doing; 
besides  all  evidence  in  any  given  case  would  be  before  him.  If  a  com- 
manding officer  doubted  any  officer,  he  could  easily  check  the  report.  If 
false,  prefer  charges  against  the  author  of  same  and  discharge  him.  Further, 
the  commanding  officer  could  quickly  tell  whether  the  officer  in  question 
knows  his  business  and  was  using  good  judgment.  Make  the  report  in  dupli- 
cate, send  the  original  to  headquarters,  and  retain  the  copy  at  the  station,  filed 
in  proper  form. 

"Take  the  present  system;  when  a  complaint  of  a  burglary,  hold-up  or 
murder  is  made,  and  an  investigation  is  made,  but  not  sufficient  evidence 
secured  to  indict;  when  a  year  later  a  similar  complaint,  accusing  the  same  in- 
dividual, is  made,  who  has  any  record  of  the  evidence  in  the  former  complaint? 
If  you  could  go  to  a  file  and  secure  that,  it  would  aid  in  the  second  com- 
plaint to  a  great  extent. 

"Furthermore,  it  would  probably  result  in  greater  activity  on  the  part  of 
detective  sergeants,  for  the  following  reasons:  Under  the  present  form  of  re- 
ports a  sergeant  might  not  do  anything  during  his  tour  of  duty,  and  still  it 
would  not  show  any  discredit  upon  his  part,  while,  under  the  system  of  reports 
advocated,  he  would  be  obliged  to  state  that  he  did  nothing  during  the  tour 
of  duty  he  was  on.  In  the  first  place,  an  officer  would  hesitate  about  making 
a  report,  as  it  would  hold  him  subject  to  criticism  by  his  superior  at  the  time 
the  report  was  rendered. 

"Taking  up  the  detective  sergeants  who  are  assigned  to  travel  beat: 

"The  sergeant  should  be  obliged  to  visit  saloons,  pool  rooms  and  other 
known  hang-outs,  of  vagrants,  criminals,  and  all  other  persons  of  bad  repute; 
and  their  reports  should  show  that  they  visited  such  and  such  a  saloon,  and 
such  and  such  a  pool  room,  and  such  and  such  a  disorderly  resort,  stating  the 
exact  conditions  found  therein,  naming  all  persons  of  known  bad  repute,  and 
all  persons  who  can  be  classed  as  vagrants;  with  the  result  that  other  officers 
of  the  department  could  then  very  easily  and  quickly  ascertain  where  they 
should  look  for  certain  characters." 

Operators'  Pull  Sheets. 

Mr.  Dannenberg's  report  showed  that  the  patrolman's  call  from  the  patrol 
box  was  liable  to  manipulation  at  the  police  station. 

"Not  infrequently  it  has  been  ascertained,"  he  says,  "that  some  of  the 
police  operators  were  recording  the  alleged  pulls  of  police  officers,  when,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  officer  did  not  pull.  Further  than  this,  it  has  been  reported 
to  me  that  some  of  the  operators  who  complete  their  tour  of  duty  at  8  a.  m. 
quite  frequently  close  their  sheets,  or,  in  other  words,  record  the  pulls  of  all 
officers  at  that  time  on  duty  in  the  precinct,  between  the  hour  of  7  a.  m.  and 
7:30  a.  m.,  which  is  anywhere  from  thirty  to  forty-five  minutes  ahead  of  the 
time  the  officer  actually  pulled.  The  object  of  the  operator  in  doing  this  is  to 
have  his  sheets  closed  as  early  as  possible.  He,  in  other  words,  takes  chances 
and  guesses  at  about  what  time  a  certain  officer  will  pull. 

"At  the  present  time  there  are  a  certain  number  of  police  operators  assigned 
to  each  station.  Every  operator  has  and  makes  friends  at  the  various  stations 
to  which  he  is  assigned,  with  the  result  that  a  certain  per  cent,  of  all  the 
men  traveling  post  at  a  given  period  stand  in  with  the  operators,  and  in  case 
the  officers  should  miss  a  pull,  the  friendly  operator  will  take  care  of  him. 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIOXS  181 

On  the  other  hand,  if  an  officer  wishes  to  leave  his  post,  he  can  tip  off  the 
operator,  and  the  operator  will  again  take  care  of  him  by  recording  pulls 
every  hour  at  a  given  place.  Taking  this  into  consideration,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  there  are  forty-five  precincts  in  Chicago,  with  the  result  that 
there  are  probably  no  less  than  a  hundred  officers  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
operators  on  every  shift.  The  result,  consequently,  means  that  a  hundred 
officers  every  shift,  or  three  hundred  men  a  day,  could  be  guilty  of  neglect 
of  duty  with  the  aid  of  the  operator. 

"If  a  central  bureau  was  established,  whereby  patrolmen  and  other  officers 
traveling  beats  in  the  entire  city  could  ring  up,  it  would  go  a  long  way 
toward  remedying  the  above  conditions.  In  the  first  place,  the  operator  and 
the  patrolmen  would  be  separated,  and  there  would  not  be  so  many  officers 
who  would  have  friends  as  operators.  Furthermore,  they  would  not  need  the 
number  of  operators  they  have  at  the  present  time.  There  should  be  a  direct 
wire  from  each  station  to  the  operators'  headquarters,  whereby  commanding 
officers  could  get  into  immediate  communication,  should  they  desire  to  call  any 
particular  man,  to  give  him  any  orders." 

Police  Attorney. 

Under  the  present  system  an  attorney  is  employed  and  paid  by  the  City 
for  the  purpose  of  defending  policemen  who  are  brought  before  the  Police 
Trial  Board  when  charges  are  preferred  against  them.  It  is  of  the  utmost 
importance  that  this  official  should  be  wholly  impartial.  He  must  not  be 
actively  allied  with  any  party  or  factional  organization,  and  he  should  not 
engage  in  criminal  practice  where  the  testimony  of  police  officers  is  likely  to 
be  important. 

On  this  subject  Mr.  Dannenberg  says:  "Radical  changes  should  be  made. 
In  the  first  place,  nobody  with  political  affiliations  should  have  any  posi- 
tion in  the  department  of  police.  In  the  second  place,  any  lawyer  holding 
the  position  as  police  attorney  should  not  be  allowed  to  practice  criminal 
law  outside  of  the  police  department  (or  any  other  practice,  for  that  matter), 
as  the  department  needs  all  of  the  time  of  the  man  holding  this  position." 
The  present  police  attorney,  Miles  Devine,  is  engaged  in  the  practice  of  crim- 
nal  law,  representing  the  defense  in  a  large  number  of  criminal  cases,  in  a 
great  number  of  which  the  police  are  prosecuting  witnesses.  In  these  instances 
the  officer  is  fighting  the  very  man  he  looks  to  for  advice  and  for  protection  in 
case  the  officer  gets  into  trouble.  Therefore,  is  it  not  more  than  probable 
that  some  officers  would  be  inclined  to  lay  down  at  times,  when  they  see  this 
situation  in  front  of  them?     The  following  are  a  number  of  cases: 

Case  No.  2835. — Defendant,  Paul  Kabajoropolas;  charge,  attempted  mur- 
der; filed  March  25,  1914. 

Case  No.  2844. — Defendant,  Harry  Schoffman;  charge,  larceny;  filed 
March  26,  1914. 

Case  No.  3243. — Defendant,  John  P.  Cummings;  charge,  rape;  filed  May 
19,  1914. 

Case  No.  3529. — Defendent,  Kate  Sauer;  charge,  abortion;  filed  June  26, 
1914. 

Case  No.  3785. — Defendant,  Jacob  Cohen;  charge,  receiving  stolen  prop- 
erty; filed  August  4,  1914. 

Case  No.  3786. — Defendant,  Robert  Coleman;  charge,  larceny;  filed  August 
4,  1914. 

Case  No.  3799. — Defendant,  Louis  Schaffer;  charge,  embezzlement;  filed 
August  4,  1914. 

Case  No.  4139. — Defendant,  Max  Rovech;  charge,  conspiracy;  filed  Octo- 
ber 25,  1914. 

"Further  than  this,  the  present  attorney  is  president  of  the  Cook  County 
Democracy,  the  organization  of  one  faction  of  the  Democratic  party.  Only 
lately  this  organization,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  funds,  gave  a  ball  at  the 
La  Salle  Hotel.  Tickets  to  this  afifair  were  distributed  among  various  com- 
manding officers,  who,  in  turn,  were  to  dispose  of  them  to  officers,  and 
others.  An  able  lawyer  should  be  chosen  as  police  attorney,  and  there 
should  be  a  sufficient  salary  appropriated  to  insure  this.  He  should  not  be 
allowed  to  take  up  the  practice  of  law  outside  of  the  police  department. 
When  he  is  not  engaged  in  representing  officers  before  the  trial  board,  pro- 
vision should  be  made  that  he  should  appear  at  certain  times,  at  various  sta- 
tions, to  give  lectures  to  members  of  the  department  as  a  whole,  command- 
ing   officers    included,    on    City    Ordinances,    State    Statutes,    Evidence,    Court 


182  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

Procedure,  Power  of  Arrest,  Police  Authority,  and  all  other  matters  pertain- 
ing to  police  business;  thereby  increasing  the  general  efficiency  of  the  depart- 
ment. In  this  manner,  the  city  would  soon  recover  the  sum  paid  to  the 
attorney  selected,  in  the  increase  in  fines  and  amounts  thereof.  The  lack  of 
such  knowledge  among  the  various  members  of  the  department,  is  largely 
responsible   for  the  now  large  number  of  dismissals   in  the  various   courts." 

The  Handling  of  Cases  Before  the  Civil  Service  Commission. 

Upon  this  point  Mr.  Dannenberg,  who  for  some  time  represented  the 
city  in  cases  before  the  Board,  says: 

"There  seems  to  be  a  tendency  to  let  violators  of  police  rules  off  with 
but  little  punishment,  and,  in  some  cases,  where  serious  charges  are  made 
against  an  officer,  as  where  they  have  been  found  guilty  of  even  criminal 
offenses  by  the  Trial  Board,  and  discharged,  they  have  been,  subsequently, 
reinstated  by  the  same  board.  There  are  some  cases  in  which  officers  have 
been  before  the  Trial  Board,  in  which,  had  they  been  private  citzens  they 
would  have,  undoubtedly,  been  brought  to  trial  in  the  Criminal  Court,  and 
received  a  term  in  the  penitentiary.  Some  of  the  cases  I  have  in  mind  are 
as  follows: 

"Officers  Fay  and  Wilcox,  motorcycle  officers,  being  assigned  mostly  to 
violation  of  the  speed  ordinance,  a  year  or  so  ago,  arrested  a  chauffeur  of  a 
West  Side  liquor  merchant  for  violating  the  speed  ordinance.  Taking  him  to 
the  station,  they  questioned  him  as  to  his  identity.  He  gave  them  a  false 
name,  later  admitting  his  identity.  Subsequently  they  asked  him  by  whom  he 
was  employed.  The  officers  then  phoned  to  his  employer's  wife,  advising  her 
that  they  had  her  chauffeur  under  -arrest,  and  that  he  had  committed  perjury, 
and  that  it  would  take  $1,000  to  get  him  out.  The  employer  was  out  of  town. 
His  wife  advised  the  officer  that  they  would  have  to  lock  him  up,  as  she  would 
not  furnish  any  $1,000.  A  day  or  two  later,  upon  the  return  of  the  employer, 
these  two  officers  visited  him  at  his  oft'ice.  The  evidence  showed  considerable 
conversation,  and  two  or  three  visits  made  there  by  the  officers  to  the  em- 
ployer, attempting  to  fix  up  the  case.  The  evidence  further  showed  that  com- 
plaint had  been  filed  at  that  time,  and  that  the  matter  was  before  the  court; 
that  the  employer  met  the  two  officers  in  question  in  court,  and  agreed  to  pay 
them  the  sum  of  $10  each,  and  give  them  a  jug  or  two  of  whisky  for  the 
dismissal  of  the  charges  against  his  chauffeur.  The  evidence  further  showed 
that  the  papers  had  been  removed  from  the  court,  and  that  the  employer  took 
the  two  officers  to  a  store  across  from  the  City  Hall,  and  paid  them  the  sum 
of  $10  each,  and  arranged  to  send  them  a  jug  of  whisky.  The  two  officers 
were  found  guilty  and  discharged  from  the  department  on  February  27,  1914. 
They  were  reinstated  on  May  4,   1914. 

"Lacey  Case  (charged  with  being  engaged  in  other  business  besides  that 
of  a  police  officer).  The  evidence  showed  that  he  was  the  part  owner  or 
owner  of  taxicab  company,  which  was  catering  mostly  to  houses  of  prostitu- 
tion and  assignation  in  the  Thirty-first  street  district,  to  which  Lacey  was 
assigned  as  desk  sergeant.  The  evidence  further  showed  that  some  such 
places  had  signs,  advertising  Lacey's  motor  livery,  in  their  premises,  although 
it  was  not  operated  under  his  name.  The  evidence  also  showed  he  took 
orders  for  cabs  over  the  police  'phone  while  on  duty  as  desk  sergeant  at  the 
police  station.  Lacey  was  found  guilty  and  discharged  on  October  9,  1913. 
He  was  reinstated  on  January   17,   1914,   and  is  now  sergeant  of  police." 

There  are  several  other  cases  along  similar  lines. 

The  Handling  of  Vice  Reports. 

In  this  connection  Mr.  Dannenberg,  for  some  time  in  charge  of  the  "vice 
squad,"  says:  . 

"Under  the  reorganization  ordmance,  the  second  deputy  supermtendent 
is  required  to  report  to  the  general  superintendent  the  vice  conditions  in  the 
city  as  a  whole.  The  purpose  of  these  reports  is  to  serve  as  a  check  on  the 
various  commanding  officers,  and  enable  the  chief  to  ascertain  whether^  or  not 
the  various  commanding  officers  are  doing  their  duty  in  this  connection.  A 
-number  of  reports,  called  'Inspector  of  Moral  Conditions  Reports,'  were  made 
to  the  general  superintendent  at  periods  of  from  two  to  four  weeks,  covering  a 
period  of  about  ten  months  or  more.  These  reports  took  up  precinct  by  pre- 
cinct and  listed  only  such  violations  as  to  which  the  Inspector  of  Morals 
Conditions  had  secured  sufficient  evidence  to  warrant  prosecution;  giving  loca- 
tions of  places,  proprietors,  class  of  violations,  and  other  data.  The  general 
superintendent   subdivided   these   reports  and   sent  them   to  the  various  com- 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  m 

manding  officers.  For  a  considerable  period  of  time  the  commanding  officers 
were  reporting  back  that  the  violations  did  not  exist.  The  object  of  these  re- 
ports was  to  show  the  general  in.-fficiency  and  neglect  of  duty  on  the  part  of 
the  commanding  officer  and  officers  assigned,  when  they  did  not  rectify  the 
conditions  reported.  The  conditions,  as  complained  of,  were  not  rectified 
until  I  was  instructed  to  proceed  and  make  raids  upon  the  places  against 
which  I  had  been  reporting.  This,  according  to  my  point,  proved  conclusively 
that  the  commanding  officer,  as  well  as  others  of  his  command,  was  either  in- 
efficient or  was  guilty  of  neglect  of  duty,  if  nothing  more  serious,  and  under 
the  reorganization  ordinance,  where  a  commanding  officer  is  supposed  to  be 
held  strictly  responsible  for  the  conditions,  I  contended  that  that  was  sufficient 
proof  and  evidence  upon  which  charges  should  have  been  filed  against  the 
various  commanding  officers,  and  other  subordinates.  These  reports  were 
guarded  very  closely  from  the  public,  every  effort  being  made  to  prevent  any 
of  the  contents  from  becoming  known  to  the  public.  Being  as  familiar  with 
the  situation  as  I  am,  I  am  unable  to  find  any  good  reason  why  these  reports 
should  not  be  made  public.  If  the  second  deputy  superintendent  of  police 
makes  such  reports  to  the  general  superintendent,  and  the  press  and  public  are 
aware  of  their  contents,  the  citizens  of  the  district  to  which  each  report  refers 
will  immediately  take  such  steps  as  are  necessary  to  force  the  commanding 
officer  of  that  district  to  eradicate  the  evils  complained  of.  Second:  The  com- 
rnanding  officer  would  not  care  to  see  a  newspaper  account  of  a  long  list  of 
violations  found  in  his  precinct  every  two  to  four  weeks,  which  he  claims  to 
know  nothing  about.  Consequently,  he  would  be  obliged  to  be  more  active  in 
this  respect.  Third:  The  general  public  and  the  neighbors  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  any  one  place  reported  as  being  a  house  of  prostitution,  or  other 
place  where  vice  was  flourishing,  would  take  such  steps  as  were  necessary  to 
drive  out  the  nuisance.  Fourth:  A  number  of  people  who  conduct  such 
places  could  not  conduct  them  if  every  few  weeks  the  public  were  advised  of 
their  activities.  I  suggest  that  the  committee  go  over  some  of  these  reports 
and  read  them  into  the  record." 

Schooling   of  Members  of  the   Department. 

There  is  at  present  a  police  school  where  recruits  are  required  to  prepare 
them.selves  for  public  work.  This  school  has  been  successful,  so  far  as  it  has 
gone,  but  additional  provision  should  be  made  for  the  development  of  this 
work. 

Mr.  Dannenberg  suggests  that  the  police  attorney  should  appear  two  or 
three  times  a  week  at  the  school  of  instructions  and  lecture  to  these  men  on 
various  points  of  law,  evidence  and  police  authority  with  which  they  must 
come   in    contact   daily. 

"The  school  of  instructions  also  attempts  to  educate  other  members  of  the 
department  who  have  been  on  the  force  for  a  number  of  years.  This  is  done 
by  a  set  of  questions  and  answers,  but  it  is  a  very  slow  and  inadequate  method. 
There  is  no  reason  why,  if  the  police  attorney,  as  has  been  suggested  above, 
would  visit  the  station  at  roll  call,  or  a  set  time,  one  or  two  days  a  week, 
at  which  all  members  of  the  department  must  attend,  and  give  lectures, 
ii  would  not  aid  wonderfully  in  aiding  the  work  of  a  policeman.  One  of  the 
greatest  evils  along  this  line  is  the  fact  that  it  is  very  seldom  that  a  com- 
manding officer  is  familiar  with  the  evidence  in  any  of  the  cases  of  his  sub- 
ordinates. For  instance,  an  officer,  either  plain  clothes  or  uniform,  makes  an 
arrest,  sometimes  on  a  serious  charge,  goes  into  court,  and  the  defendant  is 
discharged  on  account  of  some  weak  point  in  the  case.  This  could  be  entirely 
eradicated  if  every  commanding  officer  would  insist  that  every  one  of  his 
subordinates  should  come  before  him,  prior  to  the  time  of  the  hearing  of  the 
case,  and  submit  to  him  what  evidence  he  has  on  the  case  in  question.  It  would 
then  be  discovered  if  there  was  any  weak  point  or  if  additional  evidence  was 
needed  to  secure  a  conviction.  If  this  condition  was  found  the  commanding 
officer  should  see  that  a  continuance  was  obtained  in  the  case,  so  as  to  allow 
the  officer  sufficient  time  to  secure  the  additional  evidence. 

r found  this  system  of  wonderful  value  in  vice  work,  which  I  handled  for 
several  months.  If  arrests  were  made  by  officers  assigned  to  me,  and  I  found, 
in  going  over  the  case,  a  weak  point  which  they  had  overlooked,  I  immedi- 
ately appeared  before  the  court,  asked  for  a  continuance,  and  sent  the  officer 
back  to  secure  the  additional  information,  with  the  result  that  I  could  then 


184  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

go  ahead  and  secure  convictions,  where  otherwise  they  would  have  been  dis- 
charges, a  nuber  of  which  would  have  been  mostly  technical." 
Captains   Should  Make  Written   Reports  to  the   Chief  on  All   Cases  Where 
Warrants  Are  Refused;  Also  Should  Not  Be  Retained 
in  One  District  Too  Long. 

Not  infrequently  have  officers  appeared  before  a  court  for  a  warrant,  and 
for  various  reasons  the  court  has  refused  the  warrant.  The  refusal  of  a  vvar- 
rant  may  be  justified  or  not,  with  the  result,  usually,  a  controversy  arises 
between  the  commanding  officer  and  the  presiding  judge.  Often  the  officer  is 
at  fault — in  such  cases  as  this.  For  example:  An  officer  sees  a  well-known 
pickpocket  on  a  street  car,  but  sees  him  commit  no  ofifense.  The  pickpocket  is 
simply  riding  on  the  car  as  he  is.  The  officer  arrests  him  and  takes  him  to 
the  station  and  attempts  to  secure  a  warrant  for  the  pickpocket  for  vagrancy, 
or  on  similar  charge.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  no  evidence  to  con- 
stitute the  charge.  Still,  the  police  department  criticises  the  court  for  not 
issuing  a  warrant.  In  order  to  avoid  the  criticism,  I  am  of  the  opinion 
it  would  be  much  better  if  the  commanding  officer  would  make  a  detailea 
report  of  all  the  facts  to  the  general  superintendent.  If  he  believed  the  court 
was  at  fault,  he  should  forward  the  report  to  the  Chief  Justice.  Thereby  the 
head  of  each  branch  of  the  municipal  government  would  be  able  to  judge  who 
was  right  and  who  was  wrong,  and  thereby  eradicate  the  evil. 

Commanding  officers  are  very  often  kept  in  one  precinct  for  a  number  of 
years.  If  vice,  gambling  or  saloons  should  be  prevalent  in  the  district,  it  is 
especially  bad,  for  the  fact  that  sooner  or  later  some  one  or  other  of  these 
elements  will  secure  the  friendship  of  the  commanding  officer,  with  the  result 
that  they  will  be  given  more  leniency  than  should  be  allowed  under  ordinary 
circumstances.  If  a  new  captain  or  commanding  officer  was  sent  into  the 
district  from  time  to  time,  those  elements  would  not  have  sufficient  time  to 
work  into  the  friendship  or  good  graces  of  the  officers  in  question. 

7.    POLICE  COLLUSION  WITH  CRIME 

Early  in  the  investigation  information  was  received  indicating  that  there 
was  collusion  between  certain  members  of  the  police  force  and  certain  crimi- 
nals. This  was  verified  by  detailed  work  of  our  investigators.  Our  action 
was  followed  by  the  State's  Attorney  in  returning  indictments  against  a  num- 
ber of  police  officials.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  one  of  the  chief  causes 
of  crime  in  Chicago  is  that  members  of  the  police  force,  and  particularly  of 
the  plain  clothes  staff,  are  hand  in  glove  with  criminals.  Instead  of  punishing 
the  criminal,  they  protect  him.  Instead  of  using  the  power  of  the  law  for  the 
protection  of  society,  they  use  it  for  their  own  personal  profit.  They  form  a 
working  agreement  with  pickpockets,  prowlers,  confidence  men,  gamblers,  and 
other  classes  of  ofifenders.  The  basis  of  this  agreement  is  a  division  of  profits 
between  the  lawlareaker  and  the  public  official.  The  exact  extent  of  this  sys- 
tem it  is  impossible  to  determine,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  its  ramifications 
are  so  wide  as  to  cripple  the  machinery  for  the  enforcement  of  the  law. 

The  reason  why  many  professional  criminals  are  permitted  to  remain  in 
Chicago  and  ply  their  sinister  trade  must  be  found  either  in  the  incompetence 
of  the  police,  or  in  the  corruption  of  part  of  the  force.  It  is  plain  that  even 
with  an  absolutely  competent  force,  the  amount  of  corruption  now  existing  is 
sufficient  to  make  proper  protection  of  the  public  from  crime  impossible.  A 
relatively  small  percentage  of  police  officers  may  betray  the  public  into  the 
hands  of  the  pickpockets,  burglars  and  crooks  of  all  descriptions.  The  ease 
with  which  knowledge  of  criminal  hang-outs  and  familiar  figures  in  the  crimi- 
nal world  may  be  obtained  by  investigators  makes  it  incredible  that  the  police 
are  ignorant  of  these  places  and  persons.  Not  only  is  this  true,  but  in  some 
mstances  information  regarding  these  hang-outs  and  their  habitues  was  given 
Dy  the  police  themselves.  In  fact,  officers  even  soeak  with  oride  of  the  fact 
that  they  know  the  leading  crooks  in  town  and  that  they  can  point  them  out 

when  they  are  in  sight.  r  •  ,     r  i,  •   r 

It  is  incredible  that  the  police  do  not  have  fairly  full  information  regard- 
ing the  location  and  habits  of  most  of  the  professional^  criminals  in  Chicago. 
Consequently,  the  only  conclusion  that  can  be  drawn  is  that  some  influence 
holds  them  back  from  vigorous  prosecution  of  these  persons.  What  are  these 
influences?  In  some  instances,  police  are  held  back  because  they  use  petty 
criminals  as  "stool  pigeons"  or  "snitchers."  Cheap  thieves  may  be  ernployed 
as  a  source  of  information  regarding  other  thieves,  the  reward  being  im- 
munity from  arrest. 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  18$ 

Again  they  may  be  held  back  by  political  influence  or  fear  of  official  pun- 
ishment and  they  do  not  wish  to  incur  the  displeasure  of  those  who  secure 
their  appointment  or  promotion,  or  whose  official  favor  or  disfavor  may  affect 
their  future  promotion  or  location.  They  do  not  wish  to  incur  the  displeasure 
of  the  powers  that  prey.  Testimony  on  this  point  was  given  by  Lieutenant 
McWeeney,  as  follows: 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  You  spoke  of  pressure  being  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  prosecutors.  Is  that  same  kind  of  pressure  being  brought  to 
bear  upon  officers? 

MR.  McWEENEY:    Yes,  it  is  the  custom.    I  know  I  have  had  people 
ask  me  several  times  to  be  easy,  to  go  easy  on  such  and  such  a  fellow. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:     Men  of  political  influence,  you  mean? 
MR.  McWEENEY:     Yes,  political  influence  and  friends  both.     Gen- 
erally friends. 

THE   CHAIRMAN:     They  bring  a   good  deal   of  pressure  to   bear? 
MR.  McWEENEY:     They  do. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  Do  they  bring  the  same  kind  of  pressure  to  bear 
on  officers  under  you? 

MR.  McWEENEY:     The  same  kind  exactly. 
THE  CHAIRMAN:     And  sometimes  they  get  away  with  it? 
MR.  McWEENEY:     Often  they  use  me  as  a  go-between.     They  use 
me  to  influence  the  officer.     I  don't  take  their  way  of  looking  at  it  at  all. 
THE   CHAIRMAN:     You  mean  they  want  you  to  influence  the  of- 
ficer's testimony? 

MR.  McWEENEY:  No,  but  they  want  me  to  ask  the  officer  to  be 
easy. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  What  do  they  mean  by  being  easy,  going  a  little 
easy   on   the  testimony? 

MR.  McWEENEY:  Certainly,  going  a  little  easy  on  the  testimony. 
That  is  what  they  want. 

Punishment  may  be  visited  upon  these  officers  either  in  the  form  of  a 
transfer  to  some  undesirable  post,  or  failure  to  secure  merited  promotion  or 
even  trumped  up  charges  preferred  against  the  official.  In  such  cases  the  real 
blame  for  criminal  conditions  rests  upon  the  man  higher  up,  who  is  willing 
to  co-operate  with  the  criminal  group  in  order  to  secure  their  political  sup- 
port. Such  a  person  in  office  or  out,  is  willing  to  permit  the  traffic  in  crime 
or  wink  at  crime  in  order  to  hold  or  secure  some  high  position  or  special 
privilege. 

In  other  instances,  however,  the  police  relation  with  criminals  consists  in 
a  direct  partnership  between  the  official  and  the  lawbreaker.  The  most  familiar 
forms  of  this  are  found  in  connection  with  prostitution  and  gambling,  but 
they  extend  far  beyond  these  limits  and  over  into  the  sinister  relationships 
with  all  forms  of  misdemeanor  and  felony.  They  not  only  tolerate  the  woman 
of  the  street  and  the  gambler,  because  of  the  personal  profit  involved  in  such 
toleration,  but  they  reach  out  for  the  professional  pickpocket,  the  prowler, 
the  confidence  man,  and  the  other  denizens  of  the  underworld  who  traffic  in 
crime. 

In  order  to  demonstrate  this  system,  a  systematic  effort  was  made.  Three 
investigators  were  selected  who  posed  as  confidence  men.  Two  of  them  were 
arrested  and  confined  for  about  two  days  in  the  Central  Police  Station.  They 
secured  their  release  through  a  bondsman  and  attorney  and  then  later  made 
their  headquarters  at  a  well-known  hang-out.  Here  they  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  many  professional  criminals  and  of  certain  police  officers.  They 
formed  partnerships  with  these  officials  according  to  the  terms  of  which  the 
profits  of  their  enterprises  were  to  be  divided  equally  between  the  police  and 
the  presumed  criminals.  The  investigators  purported  to  be  carrying  on  the 
business  of  picking  pockets,  and  actually  divided  the  presumed  proceeds  of 
their  thefts  with  the  police  officials. 

They  were  informed  by  these  officers,  who  were  detective  sergeants,  as 
to  the  most  desirable  places  for  theft,  and  on  occasion  they  were  accom- 
panied by  an  officer  in  plain  clothes  to  Sixty-third  and  Halsted  streets,  which 
had  been  indicated  as  a  harvest  field  for  pickpockets.  They  were  protected 
by  this  officer  during  thetime  they  went  through  the  motions  of  a  pickpocket 
mob.  in  order  to  prevent  interference  by  any  uniformed  official.  This  is  known 
as  working  "under  cover,"  the  practices  described  by  one  of  our  investigators 
being  as  follows: 


186  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

"A  good  many  of  the  gangs  work  under  the  protection  of  the  police  of- 
ficers. Sometimes  the  officers  work  right  with  the  mobs  on  the  street  cars. 
For  instance,  they  will  work  in  the  rear  end  or  on  the  back  platform,  ob- 
structing the  victim  as  he  gives  chase  to  the  pickpocket,  after  he  has  been 
victimized.  Sometimes  the  officer  will  butt  in  and  grab  the  victim  if  he  is 
chasing  the  pickpocket,  pretending  that  he  thinks  there  is  a  fight  on  the  car, 
and  he  will  detain  the  man  who  has  been  the  victim  just  long  enough  to  allow 
the  pickpocket  to  make  his  escape.  If  the  victim  squawks,  the  officer  doing 
the  covering  will  step  in  and  make  an  arrest,  in  order  to  prevent  some  other 
officer,  some  honest  officer,  from  making  a  genuine  arrest.  He  pretends  to 
make  an  arrest  of  the  men  he  is  working  with." 

The  statement  of  one  of  the  investigators  working  on  this  case  is  given 
herewith: 

"During  one  period  of  inquiry  running  over  nearly  a  month  we  made 
regular  visits  to  Foley's  place  and  became  well  acquainted  with  him.  His 
place  is  a  loafing  place  for  numerous  detectives. 

"One  morning  a  few  days  ago  (September  29,  to  be  exact),  we  went  down- 
town and  as  we  passed  a  hotel  on  Randolph  street  we  met  Foley  talking  to 
two  men  at  the  door. 

"Foley  called  us  over  and  invited  the  two  men  and  ourselves  in  the  bar 
to  have  a  drink.  As  we  walked  in  one  of  the  men  with  Foley  looked  at  us 
and  laughed.  Then  he  placed  both  his  hands  on  his  pockets  as  if  afraid  of 
losing  something  and  said: 

"  'You  bunch  of  burglars,  you.  I'll  have  to  watch  you  to  keep  you  from 
picking  my  pockets.' 

"One  of  the  men  was  introduced  to  us  as  a  detective.  (I  will  call  him  'A.') 
The  other  man  was  said  to  be  a  bailiff. 

"  'How  are  you  fellows  making  out?'    'A'  asked. 

"  'Oh,  we're  getting  away  with  a  little  junk  now  and  then,'  I  said. 

"  'Well  you  know  you've  got  to  go  50-50,'  said  'A.' 

"  'Oh,  sure,  sure,'  we  replied,  'we're  wise  to  that.  But  it's  just  cost  us  a 
lot  of  cash  to  get  out  of  jail.'     We  told  him  it  cost  us  nearly  $200. 

"  'I  know  all  about  that,'  he  said.  'I  made  you  in  a  minute,  but  you  were 
fools  to  pay  $200  to  get  out  when  I  could  have  fixed  it  up  for  $50.' 

"  'Yes,  but  we  didn't  know  anybody  in  the  town  and  we  haven't  had  a 
chance  to  make  a  working  arrangement.  We're  in  with  Foley  now  and  he  is 
protecting  us,  but  we  don't  know  any  coppers.' 

"  'Well,  if  you  ever  get  nailed  again  just  call  on  me.'     He  said. 

"Then  he  (Detective  A.)  wrote  out  his  name  and  telephone  number  on  a 
slip  of  paper  and  handed  it  to  us. 

"  'We  are  willing  to  split  if  we  can  fix  it  all  right,'  we  said. 

"  'Well,  just  depend  on  me  and  call  on  me  when  you  get  in  trouble  and 
I'll  go  to  the  front  for  you,'  he  said. 

"Then  he  told  us  of  a  case  which  he  and  Foley  were  interested  in. 

"  'Foley  soaked  those  two  guys  for  $100,  and  I  told  him  he  would  have 
to  give  $50  of  it  back,'  he  said.  'The  guys  are  all  right,  and  they  need  the 
money,  because  they're  nearly  broke.  Foley  wanted  to  give  $25  back,  but  I 
won't  stand  for  it.     He's  got  to  give  $50  of  it  back.' 

"Then  'A.'  told  us  he  was  going  to  St.  Louis  to  bring  back  a  prisoner.  He 
had  the  papers  in  his  pocket  and  was  going  to  the  State's  Attorney's  office  to 
have  them  fi.xed  up.  Then  we  told  him  we  knew  where  a  bunch  of  stolen 
sealskins  were  stored  in  St.  Louis,  and  that  if  he  was  going  there  we  would 
'tip  him  off.' 

"Then  we  made  arrangements  to  meet  him  next  day.  We  called  him  up 
early  the  next  morning  (September  30)  and  made  a  'date'  to  meet  him  at 
Foley's  saloon.  We  met  him  (A.)  and  his  partner  (B.)  and  another  detective 
in  the  back  room. 

"We  sat  down  at  a  table  and  ordered  a  drink.  Then  we  told  the  detectives 
that  we  had  just  been  over  to  the  fire  on  Wabash  avenue  and  that  we  had  got 
nine  pocketbooks,  but  that  most  of  them  contained  rent  receipts  and  didn't 
net  us  much  profit.  Then  I  called  Detective  A.  to  another  room  and  talked  to 
him  a  while.  I  told  him  we  could  only  give  him  $25,  because  it  had  been  a 
bad  day  for  pocketbooks. 

"Then  I  put  $25  in  a  small  match  box  and  handed  it  to  Detective  A.  He 
took  the  match  box  containing  the  money  and  put  it  in  his  pocket.     Then  I 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  187 

bought  a  drink  with  a  $10  bill  and  received  $9.50  change.     The  waiter  laid  the 
change  on  the  table. 

"Finally  'A.'  said  he  had  to  go  to  Thirty-first  and  Indiana  and  fix  up 
a  case  for  several  of  the  'brothers'  who  had  robbed  a  man  and  got  caught. 
He  left  with  the  other  detective.  Then  I  told  Detective  B.  to  lay  his  hat  on 
a  chair  beside  him.  He  did  this  and  I  swept  up  the  pile  of  money  from  the 
table  and  put  it  in  his  (B.'s)  hat. 

"After  dumping  the  money  in  the  detective's  hat  I  handed  the  hat  con- 
taining the  money  over  to  one  of  our  two  investigators,   Moss.     Moss  took 
it  and  handed  the  hat  containing  the  money  to  the  detective.     The  detective 
(B.)  took  the  hat  and  held  it  in  his  hand  a  few  minutes. 
"  'Well,  it's  about  time  we  split  up,'  was  suggested. 
"  'All  right,  I'll  see  you  boys  later,'  said  Detective  B. 

"  'When  we  see  you  again  we  will  have  some  information  about  those 
stolen  sealskins,'  I  said.  'Just  as  soon  as  we  learn  where  they  are  stored  we'll 
put  you  next.' 

"  'All  right,  and  we'll  split  fifty-fifty.'  Detective  B.  said. 
"Then  we  bought  a  cigar  at  the  counter  and  he  went  out. 
"We  reported  to  the  office   of  Fletcher  Dobyns,  attorney  for  the  Crime 
Commission,  and  told  him  of  the   circumstances  by  which   we  gave  the  two 
detectives  the  $34.50. 

"We  discussed  further  plans  with  Mr.  Dobyns,  Mr.  McKeag,  and  Aid. 
Merriam.  We  left  Mr.  Dobyns'  office  and  walked  toward  Madison  and  Dear- 
born streets.  As  we  arrived  in  front  of  the  Tribune  Building  we  saw  two 
detectives  talking  to  a  man.  The  detectives  were  'C  and  'D.'  They  recognized 
us  as  soon  as  we  did  them.  We  hurried  past  as  they  turned  around  and 
watched  us. 

"  'There  go  three  con  men,'  said  'C     'Let's  trail  them.' 
"We  looked  back  just  as  the  two  detectives  started  after  us.    We  quickened 
our  steps  and  turned  east  on  Madison  street.     Just  as  we  turned  the  corner 
we  glanced  back  and  saw  the  detectives  hurrying  after  us. 

"'They're  trailing  us,'  somebody  said.  'Let's  split  up  and  meet  in  the 
saloon  next  door  to  the  McVicker  Theater.' 

"We  separated  and  I  hurried  into  a  run  ahead  of  the  other  two  men.  The 
detectives  broke  into  a  run  and  caught  up  to  me  just  as  I  entered  the  swing- 
ing doors   of  the   barroom. 

"One  of  them  caught  me  by  the  shoulder  and  the  other  one  grabbed  the 
other  two  men. 

"  'Thought  you   guys  were   going  to  get  out  of  town,'   said  Detective   C. 
"  'How  can  we  get  out  of  town  when  we  haven't  any  money?'  was  our 
reply. 

"  'How  much  have  you  got?' 
"  'Only  $40  or  $50.' 

"  'Isn't  that  enough  to  get  you  out  of  town?' 

"  'Why,  that  isn't  enough  to  keep  us  running  for  one  day,'  we  said,  'we're 
not  pikers.     We're  out  after  big  dough.' 

"  'Didn't  the  judge  tell  you  to  get  out  of  town?' 
"  'No,  he  didn't  say  anything  about  it.' 
"  'Well,  when  are  you  going?' 

"  'Whenever  we  can  work  long  enough  to  get  the  coin.' 
"  'How  long  will  that  take  you?' 

"  'Well,  we  could  get  plenty  before  night  and  be  out  of  town  if  we  were 
let  alone  for  a  few  hours  in  this  crowd.' 
"  'You  guys  are  pretty  wise,'  said  'C 
"  'Yes,  and  they'll  never  leave  town,  either,'  said  'D.' 

"  'Well,  you  be  pretty  careful  and  we'll  talk  to  you  later,'  said  'C     'Give 
me  your  address  and, we'll  get  in  touch  with  each  other.' 
"We  told  him  we  were  living  at  the   Columbia  hotel. 

"  'You  appear  to  be  right  guys,  but  you  ought  to  turn   over  a  new  leaf 
and  live  on  the  square,'  said  'C     'You'll  get  by  pretty  easy  for  a  while,  but  it 
will  end  in  the  pen  in  the  long  run.     If  you  would  put  your  brains  to  a  better 
use  you  could  make  a  lot  of  dough.' 
"Then  they  left  us. 

"Last  Saturday  (October  .3)  we  met  Detective  B.  at  Foley's  place.  We 
talked  over  the  various  fields  for  pickpockets  and  he  told  us  the  best  place 


188  REPORT   OF    CRIME    COMMITTEE 

was  around  the  busy  corner  of  Sixty-third  and  Halsted  streets.  We  told  him 
we  wanted  to  get  right  with  several  other  people  around  town  because  we 
were  afraid  to  hang  around  Foley's  all  the  time. 

"  'The  best  place  for  you  fellows  to  hang  around  is  George  Graham's, 
5514  State  street,'  he  said. 

"  'Yes,  a  lot  of  people  have  told  us  to  go  out  and  see  him  because  he 
was  a  right  guy,  but  we've  never  met  George.' 

"  'Well,  I'll  drop  around  there  at  4  o'clock  today  and  if  you  guys  will  be 
out  there   111  put  you  in   right  with  him,'   said  'B.' 

"We  agreed  to  be  out  there  at  the  stated  time.  Then  I  threw  a  five  dollar 
bill  to  B.  and  said: 

"  'Buy  a  drink  with  all  that  money  you've  got.' 

"He  called  a  waiter,  ordered  a  drink  with  my  five  dollar  bill,  and  kept  the 
change. 

"  'That's  about  all  we've  been  able  to  get  today,'  I  said.  'Our  whole  day's 
work  only  netted  us  $11.' 

"We  left  Foley's  and  came  downtown.  We  knew  that  a  number  of  de- 
tectives always  loafed  about  the  Berghofif  and  Al  Tearney's  saloon  on  Adams 
and  State  streets.  We  saw  two  detectives  standing  in  front  of  the  Berghofif. 
Then  two  more  came  in  and  stood  beside  us  and  bought  a  drink. 

"A  few  minutes  later  a  detective  came  in,  took  a  glass  of  beer,  talked  a 
few  minutes,  and  then  went  out  front.  When  we  went  out  he  was  still 
standing  there. 

"We  then  went  down  to  Al  Tearney's  saloon.  We  noted  that  a  partition 
had  been  built  about  three  feet  from  the  wall,  behind  which  was  a  secret  tele- 
phone and  a  ticker.  Frequently  patrons  of  the  place  went  behind  the  partition 
and  we  could  hear  them  talking  about  the  race  results.  The  detectives  who 
entered  this  place  could  hardly  help  from  'thinking'  that  a  hand  book  on  the 
races  was   being  conducted  behind   that  partition. 

"We  went  down  to  George  Graham's  saloon  at  4  o'clock.  We  found  De- 
tective B.  talking  to  Graham.  We  were  introduced  to  Graham  as  'right  guys.' 
We  ordered  drinks  and  talked  with  Graham  about  selling  some  stolen  dia- 
monds. 

"  'Bring  them  down  here;  we'll  give  you  more  for  them  than  any  one  else 
will,'  he  said.  'Bring  all  you've  got,  and  if  I'm  not  here  the  bookkeeper  will 
do  the  business  with  you.' 

"  'Will  you  fix  us  if  we  get  nailed?'  was  asked. 

"  'Sure  thing,  and  it  won't  cost  you  like  it  did  before,'  he  said.  'I'm  in 
right,  and  I'll  get  you  out  quick.  Just  hang  around  here  and  I'll  take  care 
of  you.' 

"  'Well,  we're  going  over  to  Sixty-third  and  Halsted  streets  tonight  to 
make  a  little  dough,'  (picking  pockets),  we  told  him.  'If  we  get  jammed 
we'll  call  for  you.' 

"  'All  right.  I'm  always  on  the  job  when  the  "brothers"  get  in  trouble,'  he 
said.  'Just  call  for  me  and  those  dicks  over  there  will  know  you're  right 
guys.  Then  I'll  come  over  and  get  you  out.  Now  bring  those  diamonds 
around.' 

"  'Are  all  these  guys  around  here  right?'  we  asked. 

"  'Sure,  there's  a  nice  bunch  that  hangs  around  here,'  he  said.  'You  fel- 
lows just  breeze  around  and  we'll  all  be  big  brothers  with  you.' 

"Then  we  took  Detective  B.  over  to  a  table  and  talked  'business'  with  him. 

"  'Now  we're  going  to  follow  your  tip  and  work  the  street  cars  and  the 
crowds  over  at  Sixty-third  and  Halsted  streets,'  I  said.  'Now  we  want  pro- 
tection.    Who   are   the   right   dicks?'    (detectives). 

"  'Well,  there's  a  bunch  of  right  dicks  over  there  (Englewood),  but  some 
of  them  are  wrong,'  he  said.  'Now,  you've  got  to  be  careful  of  the  wrong 
guys.' 

"  'Well,  what  we  want  you  to  do  is  to  go  over  there  with  us  and  if  some 
sucker  puts  up  a  holler  you've  got  to  step  in  and  stall  around  with  us  and 
square  it  up,'  I  said.     'Now,  will  you  do  that?' 

"  'I'll  be  over  there  at  9  o'clock,'  he  said.     'I   can't  make  it  any  sooner.' 

"That  night  we  mingled  with  the  crowds  along  the  corners  and  saw  a 
number  of  detectives  standing  around.  We  met  in  McLaughlin's  and  saw 
several  detectives  and  pickpockets. 

"We  saw  how  easy  it  would  have  been  to  pick  the  pockets  of  a  dozen 
persons  in  the  crowds  on  the  streets  and  we  worked  the  pickpocket  'racket,' 


CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  189 

but  did  not  go  so  far  as  to  attempt  to  put  our  hands  in  any  one's  pocket.     We 
worked  the  'racket'  so  as  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  detectives. 

"After  this  had  continued  for  30  minutes  we  went  over  to  the  cafe  of  Ed 
Weiss  and  met  Detective  B.  We  had  a  drink  at  the  bar  and  talked  to  'B.' 
about  the  stolen  furs.  We  had  learned  in  the  meantime  that  the  stolen  furs 
were  stored  at  a  downtown  hotel.  We  told  Detective  B.  and  he  seemed 
anxious  to  get  the  information.  He  said  he  would  make  sure  whether  they 
were  stored  there  before  he  attempted  to  arrest  the  persons  whom  we  had 
named  as   implicated  in   the  theft. 

"We  also  told  him  that  we  had  been  unable  to  make  but  a  few  dollars  that 
night  because  we  were  afraid  that  too  many  detectives  were  on  the  corner. 
We  told  him  we  would  have  a  lot  of  money  by  Monday. 

"  'We  really  didn't  get  enough  to  make  a  split,'  I  said.  'But  we'll  get  right 
before   Monday  and  then  we'll  talk  business.     We  only   got  about  four " 

"  'Never  mind,'  he  interrupted;  'I'm  not  supposed  to  know  anything  about 
how  many  you  got.' 

"  'Well,  we're  much  obliged  for  your  trouble  in  coming  down  here  to 
help  us,'  I  said,  'but  we  are  out  of  luck.' 

"Then  he  told  us  he  would  meet  us  the  next  day  and  he  went  out.  This 
ended  our  experience  for  that  day — October  3." 

These  two  detectives  were  subsequently  discharged  by  the  Civil  Servcie 
Commission  upon  the  testimony  presented  by  investigators  of  the  Crime 
Committee. 

That  such  collusion  between  police  officials  and  criminals  is  a  widespread 
practice  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  testimony  of  all  the  investigators  con- 
verges upon  this  central  point,  and  coming  from  so  wide  a  variety  of  sources, 
confirmed  by  the  Civil  Service  Commission  and  the  State's  Attorney  in  so 
many  specific  instances,  leaves  the  way  open  to  no  other  conclusion  than  the 
existence  of  an  appalling  system  of  partnership  in  crime  between  public  offi- 
cials on  the  one  hand  and  habitual  criminals  on  the  other. 

In  the  course  of  the  investigation,  the  names  of  many  policemen  have 
been  mentioned  as  involved  in  corrupt  relations  with  various  forms  of  crim- 
inals.    One  of  the  examples  of  this  is  as  follows: 

One   of   our   investigators   testified   that   criminals   paid   compensation 

to  the  police.     He  said:     "They  usually  pay  25   per   cent   of  the   money 

stolen  by  the  pickpockets.     In  some  cases  they  demand  50.     The  officer 

won't  take  anything  in  some  cases  unless  he  gets  $50.00  advance." 

He   also   testified  that   pickpockets   refusing   to   split  with   the    officer 

are  picked  up  and  locked  up  in  jail: 

"One  man  that   I  know   of  was  working  around   Harrison  and  State 

streets.     I  heard  the  officer  make  the  statement,  that  if  the  fellow  did  not 

come  across,  he  would  not  let  him  work  around  there;  that  is,  if  he  did 

not  split  with  him.     This  fellow  would  not  split  with  the  officer,   so  he 

got  out.     He  is  not  there  now." 
8.     PROFESSIONAL  BONDSMEN,  DISREPUTABLE  LAWYERS  AND  FIXERS 

A  part  of  the  criminal  system  of  Chicago  is  the  activities  of  certain  pro- 
fessional bondsmen.  Theoretically,  the  bondsmen  are  persons  who  furnish 
bonds,  pending  trial,  for  appearance  of  one  who  otherwise  would  remain  in 
custody  instead  of  at  liberty.  Practically  under  our  modern  systeni  certain 
bondsmen  have  gone  far  beyond  their  original  function  and  appear  in  an  al- 
together different  position  from  that  of  the  individual  who  casually  comes 
forward  as  surety  for  a  friend. 

In  the  first  place  he  appears  upon  the  bonds  of  rnany  different  persons 
and  becomes  a  professional  bondsman,  who  makes  the  giving  of  bonds  a  trade 
from  which  he  derives  either  all  or  a  part  of  his  living. 

In  the  next  place  he  appears  upon  the  bonds,  not  merely  of  occasional 
criminals,  but  of  well  known  professional  criminals.  In  some  instances  he 
appears  to  be  the  agent  of  well  organized  groups  of  habitual  criminals,  as,  for 
example,  pickpockets.  And  finally  he  becomes  not  merely  surety  for  one 
charged  with  crime,  but  may  undertake  the  broader  work  of  a  "fixer."  He 
endeavors  not  merely  to  obtain  the  liberty  of  the  accused  pending  trial,  but 
to  insure  his  complete  immunity  from  punishment,  and  his  final  release. 

Our  investigators  undertook  an  inquiry  into  the  general  duties  of  pro- 
fessional bondsmen  as  a  part  of  the  general  crime  system  of  the  city.  These 
observations,  while  by  no  means  complete,  nevertheless  show  with   sufficient 


190 


REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 


fullness  and   accuracy   the   outlines   and   scheme   of   things   as   they  are   now 
operated. 

We  took  the  bond  index  in  the  office  of  the  Criminal  Court  for  names  of 
persons  appearing  on  various  bonds.  When  these  were  obtained  we  examined 
the  dockets  and  files  in  these  cases  and  from  these  obtained  the  name  of  the 
defendant,  the  amount  of  the  bond,  the  date  of  the  bond,  co-surety  on  the 
bond,  and  disposition  made  of  the  case. 

The  most  striking  fact  about  these  cases  is  that  in  most  instances  no 
conviction  is  secured.     This  is  well  illustrated  by  the  following  cases: 


No. 


Offense 


What  happened 


1. 

Confidence  game 

Stricken  oft 

2 

Confidence  game 

Not  guilty 

3. 

Assault  to  murder 

Stricken  off 

4. 

Burglary 

Died 

5. 

Larceny 

Not  guilty 

6. 

Confidence  game 

Pending 

7. 

Larceny 

Stricken  off 

8 

Larceny 
Confidence   game 

9. 

Stricken  oflf 

10. 

Confidence  game 

Paroled 

11. 

Robbery 

Nolle  pressed 

12. 

Receiving  stolen  property 

Dismissed  for  want  of  prosecution. 

13. 

Confidence   game 

Nolle  prossed 

14. 

Assault  to  kill 

Not  guilty 

15. 

Larceny 

Pending 

16. 

Larceny 

One  day  in  the  County  Jail,  $1  and  no  costs 

17. 

Confidence  game 

Nolle  prossed 

18. 

Larceny 

Not  guilty 

19. 

Burglary 

Stricken  oflf 

20. 

Robbery 

Release  on  probation 

21. 

Larceny 

Stricken  ofif 

22 

Crime    against   children 
Rape 

23. 

Pending                                                                    ' 

24. 

Manslaughter 

Stricken  oflf 

25. 

Assault  to  rob 

Pending 

26. 

Manslaughter 

Not  guilty 

27. 

Larceny 

House  of  Correction 

28. 

Larceny 
Larceny 

29. 

Penitentiary 

30. 

Larceny 

Stricken  oflf 

31. 

Larceny 

Stricken  oflf 

32. 

Confidence   game 

Not  guilty 

33. 

Larceny 

Pending 

34. 

Burglary 

Pending 

35. 

Burglary 

Pending 

36. 

Larceny 

Stricken  oflF 

37. 

Confidence  game 

Not  guilty 

38. 

Larceny 

Stricken  oflF 

39. 

Larceny 

One  hour  in  the  County  Jail 

40. 

Confidence   game 

One  day  in  the  County  Jail 

41. 

Murder 

Not  guilty 

42. 

Embezzlement 

Not  guilty 

43. 

Rape 

Nolle  prossed 

44. 

Larceny 

Six  months  in  the  County  Jail 

45. 

Larceny 

House   of  Correction   nine  months 

46. 

Assault 

47 

Robbery 
Larceny 

48. 

Nolle  prossed 

49. 

Larceny 

Penitentiary 

50. 

Embezzlement 

Nolle  prossed 

51. 

Confidence    game 

Stricken  oflf 

52. 

Confidence   game 

Stricken  oflF 

53. 

Confidence   game 

Nolle  prossed 

54. 

Confidence   game 

Nolle  prossed 

55. 

Burglary 

Nolle  prossed 

CRIMINAL    CONDITIONS  191 

No.         Offense  What  happened 

56.  Indecent   liberties  Not  guilty 

57.  Larceny  Stricken  off 

58.  Confidence  game  Stricken  off 

These  cases,  it  must  be  understood,  represent  only  a  small  part  of  a  great 
circle.  No  account  is  taken  of  the  activity  of  the  professional  bondsmen  in 
the  Municipal  Court  on  the  preliminary  hearings  and  around  the  police  sta- 
tions.    Typical  cases  have  been  taken  from  the   Criminal  Court  only. 

The  following  deductions  may  easily  be  drawn  from  an  examination  of 
these  facts,  and  from  a  study  of  the  activities  of  professional  bondsmen: 

First:  That  in  75  per  cent  of  the  cases  for  which  a  professional  goes  bond 
no  conviction  is  secured. 

Second:  These  bonds  are  given  in  many  instances,  not  for  occasional 
criminals,  but  for  more  or  less  notorious  and  professional  criminals,  of  the 
type  of   Eddie  Jackson,   Louis   Gazzollo,  and  others. 

These  facts  raise  a  strong  presumption  that  the  professional  bondsman 
constitutes  an  important  link  in  the  general  system  by  which  immunity  from 
the  punishment  of  crime  is  obtained  in  so  large  a  number  of  cases. 

It  is  recommended  that  the  Municipal  Court  and  the  Criminal  Court  in- 
vestigate the  activities  of  professional  bondsmen,  more  extensively  and  di- 
rectly than  it  is  possible  for  this  Committee  to  do,  with  special  reference  to: 

1.  The  number  of  times  that  one  particular  person  appears  on  the  bonds 
within  a  period  of  six  months. 

2.  The  character  of  the  charge  and  the  previous  record  of  the  defendant. 

3.  The  amount  of  bond  that  is  already  given  by  the  bondsman. 

4.  The  political  connections,  if  any,  of  the  bondsman. 

It  would  further  appear  that  if  this  bondsman  appeared  more  than  once 
on  a  bond  during  a  six  months'  period  in  a  list  published  at  intervals,  say  of 
six  months,  the  resulting  publicity  would  serve  as  a  useful  check  upon  the 
creation  of  a  professional  bondsman.  The  acceptance  or  rejection  of  bonds 
is  entirely  within  the  discretion  of  the  court,  and  consequently  the  develop- 
ment of  the  present  system  may  readily  be  checked  if  the  courts  will  take 
decisive   action. 

In  connection  with  the  professional  bondsmen,  and  as  another  link  in 
the  same  general  crime  system,  the  investigators  find  a  certain  type  of 
criminal  lawyer.  These  attorneys,  although  sworn  as  officers  of  the  court 
for  the  purpose  of  administering  justice,  have  gone  far  beyond  the  bounds 
described  by  legal  ethics,  and  are  close  on  the  fringe  of  conspiracy  with 
criminals  to  frustrate  the  law.  A  few  illustrations  will  suffice  to  show  the 
truth  of  this.  The  following  report  from  one  of  our  investigators  indicates 
clearly  one  angle  of  this  situation.     He  says: 

"After    some    preliminary    work    in    getting    acquainted    with    pickpockets 

and   their    hang-outs,    I    was   instructed   to   get   acquainted   with  ,  an 

attorney  for  pickpockets,  and  see   what  I  could  learn  about  the  methods  of 

pickpockets  and  their  methods  from  him.     He  hangs  around 's  saloon, 

and ,  and saloon,  and  will  get  in  touch  with  his  clients  there. 

As  he  was  about  to  go  into  an  office  in  the  Building,  I  suggested  to 

him  that  I  was  doing  investigating  work  and  would  like  to  occupy  the  same 
office  with  him.  He  said  if  I  could  throw  him  any  business,  such  as  divorce 
cases,  accident  cases,  or  cases  of  any  kind  which  I  was  investigating,  and  I 
would  answer  the  telephone  and  help  keep  in  communication  with  him,  with 
the  various  hang-outs  of  crooks  he  was  doing-  business  with,  that  he  would 
not  charge  me  any  office  rent.  He  gave  me  a  list  of  the  various  saloons 
that  were  used  as  hang-outs  and  their  telephone  numbers,  and  he  told 
me  if  he  was  not  in  court  or  outside  that  he  could  be  reached  in  some 
of  these  places.  I  often  called  up  at  these  places  and  I  frequently  answered 
the  telephone  calls  sent  from  these  various  places.  At  diflferent  times,  well 
known   crooks   called   up   from   these   various   places   and   they  left   messages 

with    me    for    Mr.   and    left    messages   with    me   for   criminals.      His 

method  of  business  is  almost  entirely  through  telephone  calls,  and  he  is 
being  called  up  from  these  hang-outs  and  he  is  constantly  calling  them  up, 
and  he  sacrifices  all  other  kinds  of  business  to  handle  these  telephone  calls 
and  business  that  comes  through  them.  The  crooks  whom  he  represents 
are,  of  course,  the  kind  who  are  not  part  of  the  police  system  and  who  have 
not  split  up  with  the  police,  and  so  escape  arrest.     In  other  words,  they  are 


192  REPORT   OF   CRIME    COMMITTEE 

all  crooks  who  get  arrested.  These  crooks,  whenever  they  start  to  work, 
leave  word  at  the  hang-outs  where  they  will  be,  and  the  arrangment  is  that 
they   are   to   call   up    every   half   hour.      If   they   fail   to    call   up,   the   hang-out 

knows   they   are   in   trouble   and  at   once   calls   up    Mr.  and  informs 

him  that  a  particular  crook  or  bunch  of  crooks  are  at  work  in  a  certain 
district    and    they    probably    have    been    arrested.      If    it    is    in    the    day    time 

at    once    goes    to    the    Detective    Bureau    or    police    station    in    that 

district.  He  very  often  takes  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  with  him,  and  some- 
times he  is  at  the  station  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  ahead  of  the  crooks.  The 
first  thing  that  he  does  is  to  attempt  to  bluff  the  police,  to  tell  them  they 
have  no  case,  and  unless  they  turn  the  man  loose  or  book  him  at  once 
that  he  will  get  him  out  on  a  writ.  The  bluff  usually  works.  If  the  police 
have  not  a  definite  charge  to  book  the  prisoner  on  they  will  turn  him  loose, 
or  if  they  have  a  charge  they  will  book  him  right  away.  When  they  refuse 
to  book  him  or  turn  him  loose,  he  then  comes  back  with  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus.  I  have  known  him  to  get  out  as  many  as  five  men  on  writs  of 
habeas  corpus  in  one  day.  After  he  gets  them  booked,  he  provides  them 
with    bondsmen.      He    has    four    regular    bondsmen    that    I    know    of.      After 

the  crook  is  gotten  out  on  bond  works  with  the  various  hang-outs 

i:i  an  effort  to  get  the  case  fixed  up,  to  call  off  the  police,  or  procure  wit- 
nesses, or  influence  prosecutors  or  courts,  in  any  manner  that  they  can  secure 
the  release  of  the  criminal.  He  also  takes  as  many  continuations  as  possible, 
making  all  kinds  of  excuses  in  order  to  wear  out  the  witnesses.  He  goes 
around  to  these  hang-outs  and  spends  a  great  deal  of  time  there,  drinks, 
gambles,  and  gives  a  commission  to  the  bartender  on  the  business  which 
he  gets." 

Another  illustration  was  found  in  connection  with  the  three  investigators 
who   posed   as   confidence   men.      In   this   instance   our   investigators,   after   the 

arrest  of  the  presumed  confidence  men,  secured  the  services  of ,  whose 

name    appears    as    a    professional    bondsman,    and    who    was    reported    as    an 

all-around    fixer.     at    once    communicated    with    an    attorney   named 

.     After  stating  the  facts  to  him  regarding  the  arrest  of  the  con  men, 

he  told  our  investigator  that  he  would  see  the  arresting  officer  that  night, 
that  he  would  go  down  and  talk  to  Halpin  and  see  if  he  could  get  them 
booked.  He  said  it  was  possible  to  get  the  men  out  without  being  booked, 
but  "it  would  cost  a  lot  of  money."  He  then  went  to  Halpin  and  had  the 
men  booked.  He  secured  their  release  on  the  following  day.  When  asked 
how  this  was  brought  about  so  readily,  he  said,  "We  have  a  working  arrange- 
ment and  things  run  along  smooth.  W^e  do  not  have  any  trouble;  they  give 
us  very  little  trouble  that  way." 

When  some  anxiety  w^as  expresed  by  the  investigator  as  to  what  would 
liappen  to  the  fellow  investigators  when  brought  before  the  judge,  the 
attorney  said:  "Now,  I  am  a  lawyer.  What  do  you  think  I  am  doing  here?" 
He  further  said,  after  the  release  of  the  investigators:  "They  will  be  all 
right  now  for  ten  or  fifteen  days."  .  .  .  "We  want  you  to  understand 
that  when  we  say  we  guarantee  protection,  we  do  not  mean  absolute  pro- 
tection, but  it  means  as  long  as  things  are  running  along  right." 

He   further  advised  the   investigators   when   released   to  get   a   room   with 

,    the   fixer,   and   "slip   him   the   jack   regularly,"   that   is   to   say,    give 

him   money  regularly. 

9.    THE  PROSECUTION  OF  CRIME 

One  of  the  most  striking  facts  in  the  criminal  statistics  of  Chicago  is 
the  large  number  of  persons  who  are  discharged.  On  felony  charges,  there 
is  only  one  chance  in  five  of  a  man  ever  getting  to  the  Criminal  Court  for 
trial,  and  only  one  chance  in  thirty  of  going  to  the  penitentiary  or  re- 
formatory. 

In  quasi  criminal  cases,  numbering  in  1913,  93,711,  41  per  cent  were 
convicted.  This  may  be  due  to  unnecessary  arrests  by  the  police,  or  to 
defects  in  the  prosecuting  machinery  which  may  be  attributed  either  to 
the  technicalities  of  the  law  or  the  inadequacy  of  the  prosecution. 

It  has  not  been  possible  for  this  Committee  to  undertake  a  thoroughgoing 
investigation  of  the  workings  either  of  the  prosecuting  machinery  of  the 
courts  or  of  the  criminal  law.  It  is  desirable  that  this  be  done  and  for  that 
purpose  the  appointment  of  a  special  commission  by  the  Chief  Justice  of 
the    Municipal    Court   and   Presiding  Judge   of  the    Criminal   Court   is   needed 


CRIMINAL  CONDITIONS  193 

to  make  a  thoroughgoing  study  of  criminal  law  and  practice  in  the  several 
court  and  prepare  recommendations  for  the  next  session  of  the  Legislature. 
In  the  course  of  the  hearings  before  the  commission,  important  testimony 
was  presented  regarding  the  City  Prosecutor's  office.  Chief  Gleason,  himself, 
complamed  of  the  inefficiency  of  this  office  and  of  their  lack  of  co-opera- 
tion with  the  police.     He  said: 

CHIEF  GLEASON:  I  have  seen  prosecutors  who  never  open  their 
mouths  unless   they   wanted   to  get  a   fellow  of¥. 

*  *     *     * 

THE   CHAIRMAN:     What  do  you   do  when  you  find  prosecutors  who 
"never  open  their  mouths"  except  to  let  a  man  go? 
CHIEF  GLEASON:     What   do    I   do? 
THE  CHAIRMAN:     Yes. 
CHIEF  GLEASON:     Well,  they  talk  a  little  more  now  than  they  used  to. 

*  *     *     * 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     Did  you  report  that  to  the  Prosecuting  Attorney? 

CHIEF  GLEASON:     No,  sir. 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     You  did  not  take  any  action? 

CHIEF  GLEASON:     No,   sir. 

This  startling  testimony  on  the  part  of  the  Chief  of  the  Police  was 
corroborated  by  Chief  Justice  Olson,  particularly  regarding  the  Assistant 
State's   Attorney.      He   said: 

"It  was  an  accident  that  they  ever  manned  those  courts  in  the  first  place. 
The  Criminal  Court  had  jurisdiction  of  misdemeanors  That  was  before  our 
court  came  into  existence.  They  were  all  taken  over  to  the  Criminal  Court 
and  indicted  by  the  Grand  Jury.  Now,  under  the  old  system  these  cases 
were  carefully  looked  after,  brought  before  the  Grand  Jury  and  carefully 
prepared  for  trial  Then  our  court  got  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  court  to  dispose 
of  a  lot  of  old  junk  for  the  violation  of  ordinances,  and  nobody  would 
come  near  it.  These  men  were  not  sent  to  our  court;  then  I  went  to  the 
State's  Attorney's  office  and  he  said  he  would  see  about  it." 

Continuing  the  Judge  said,  of  the  Assistant  State's  Attorneys: 

"It  takes  at  least  four  years  to  make  a  good  trial  lawyer  out  of  a  fairly 
good  lawyer,  after  he  is  appointed  State's  Attorney.  Another  thing,  their 
tenure  of  office  is,  in  many  cases,  too  short." 

Continuing,  he  said: 

"The  city  fights  its  battles  with  raw  recruits  who  will  make  good  lawyers. 
Some  of  them  are  very  good,  although  they  are  not  there  long  enough  to  get 
experience.  I  know  that  a  man  is  much  more  dangerous  as  a  State's  Attorney 
to  the  defendants  if  he  has  had  four  years'  experience  than  one  who  has 
had  six  months." 

Neither  the  City  Prosecutor's  office  nor  the  State's  Attorney's  office 
is  placed  under  the  protection  of  the  merit  system.  In  both  of  them  the 
appointments  are  made  on  a  political  basis,  and  consequently  change  as 
administrations  change.  The  effect  of  this  upon  the  work  of  both  the  City 
Prosecutor's  office  and  the  State's  Attorney's  office  is  bad.  It  frequently 
results  in  the  dismissal  of  a  man  from  office  at  the  very  time  when  he  has 
become  most  efficient,  and  supplanting  him  with  a  man  who,  however  well 
qualified  as  a  general  practitioner,  does  not  understand  the  intricacies  of 
criminal  law.  The  consequence  is  that  during  a  considerable  part  of  the  time 
both  criminal  and  quasi  criminal  cases  are  in  the  hands  of  green  and  inex- 
perienced men.  However  great  their  natural  endowments  or  their  legal 
ability,  they  are  evidently  at  a  disadvantage  in  dealing  with  skilled  attorneys 
for  the  defense  who  have  been  for  many  years  familiar  with  all  the  ins  and 
outs  of  our  complicated  criminal  procedure.  Under  our  political  system, 
furthermore,  many  prosecutors  will  be  appointed  as  reward  for  party  service 
rather  than  because  of  superior  qualifications  for  the  particular  place  they 
seek.  Such  a  result  is  almost  inevitable  under  a  system  of  political  appoint- 
ments and  is  just  as  characteristic  of  one  party  as  of  another. 

As  a  practical  remedy  for  this  situation,  it  is  suggested  that  the  merit 
system  be  applied  as  far  as  possible  to  the  office  of  the  City  Prosecutor 
and  to  the  office  of  State's  Attorney.  If  it  is  not  deemed  practicable  to 
apply  this  method  to  the  higher  positions  in  these  offices  there  is  nothing  to 
prevent  its  abuse  in  regard  to  investigators  and  minor  prosecutors.  The  pay- 
roll of  the  State's  Attorney's  is  $148,381.48  and  of  the  City  Prosecutor's  office 


194  REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE 

is  $52,042.32.  A  considerable  portion  of  this  pay-roll  can  and  should  be  placed 
under  the  protection  of  the  merit  system.  In  this  way,  positions  will  be 
filled  by  those  who  are  competent,  and  when  the  competent  men  are  found, 
they  will  be  retained  and  promoted  on  the  basis  of  service  rendered.  This 
can  be  accomplished  in  the  case  of  the  City  Prosecutor's  office  by  means 
of  a  city  ordinance,  and  in  the  case  of  State's  Attorney's  office  by  amend- 
ment of  the  state  law;  or  in  both  cases  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  the 
adoption  of  a  voluntary  system  of  Civil  Service.  The  aid  of  the  Bar  Associa- 
tion could  be  invoked  in  order  to  guarantee  the  impartiality  of  any  exam- 
inations held. 

It  has  not  been  possible  in  this  report  to  inquire  into  the  practical  work- 
ings of  the  courts.  However,  much  testimony,  incidentally,  has  been  given 
before  the  committee  by  judges  and  by  others  familiar  with  the  workings  of 
the  court.  It  is  recommended  that  the  commission  above  suggested  should 
be  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  studying  the  practical  methods  of  the  police 
and  criminal  courts  and  of  the  criminal  law,  and  making  a  report  upon 
that  subject. 

In  the  course  of  the  inquiry,  attention  was  directed  to  the  fact  that  in 
several  cases  in  which  there  are  defendants  who  do  not  speak  English,  great 
difficulty  was  experienced  in  securing  proper  interpreters.  Judge  Uhlir 
testified  that  in  one  instance  he  had  detected  a  man  misinterpreting  the 
Bohemian  language,  which  the  Judge  understood.  Other  evidence  was  pre- 
sented to  the  same  effect,  and  it  was  clear  that  more  adequate  provision 
should  be  made  to  secure  proper  interpretation  of  statements  of  those  who 
do  not  understand  the   English  language.  _ 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  possible  that  a  serious  wrong  may  be 
done  a  defendant  because  of  his  inability  to  express  himself  clearly,  or  on 
the  other  hand,  that  a  crooked  interpreter  may  secure  the  release  of  a  really 
guilty  person.  For  this  purpose,  it  is  recommended  that  a  bureau  of  in- 
terpreters be  organized  for  use  in  stations  where  most  needed. 

Speaking  of  certain  interpreters  and  fixers  who  hung  around  the  courts, 
Judge  Uhlir  said: 

"These  men  hang  around  there  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  dollar  or  two 
and  they  interpret  in  these  cases  and  have  an  interest  one  way  or  another  or 
on  both  sides.  They  do  not  interpret  right.  They  started  that  before  me,  be- 
fore they  discovered  that  I  understood  them,  and  I  would  drive  them  away 
from  the  court  room  because  I  knew  they  were  trying  to  'put  something 
over'   on   the   Judge." 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     "They  were  misinterpreting?" 

JUDGE  UHLIR:  "Yes.  They  were  a  nuisance  around  the  court.  These 
people  have  no  money  to  employ  a  lawyer  and  they  get  some  one  to  trans- 
late the  story  to  the  Judge,  and  these  men  are  there  for  that  particular  pur- 
pose. I  think  we  ought  to  have  an  official  interpreter  who  would  be  attached 
to  the  court,  a  man  of  good  reputation  who  could  translate  properly  and  be 
honest." 

Judge   Newcomer  also  said  in  response  to  the  following  question: 

THE  CHAIRMAN:  "Did  you  ever  discover  any  interpreter  misinter- 
preting?" 

JUDGE  NEWCOMER:  "Not  only  that,  but  I  have  held  interpreters 
to  the  North  Side,  three  of  them.  I  have  fined  half  a  dozen  and  ordered 
a  number  of  them  to  keep  out  of  my  courtroom." 

Miss  Grace  Abbott,  Director  of  The  Immigrants'  Protective^  League, 
urged  before  the  committee  the  importance  of  supplying  certain  stations  with 
interpreters.  "The  present  system,"  says  the  Director  of  the  League,  "results 
in  a  miscarriage  of  justice  which  injures  not  only  the  individual  concerned, 
but  often  leads  an  entire  colony  to  lose  respect  for  our  courts  and  to  con- 
clude that  there  is  one  system  of  law  for  the  Americans  and  another  for 
the  immgrants."  A  number  of  distressing  cases  were  cited  by  Miss  Abbott 
in   support   of  the  need   of  interpreters. 

There  are  some  points  which  obviously  should  be  covered  in  an  inquiry 
into   the   working  of   the   courts. 

1.  A  practical  plan  for  securing  a  consolidated  court  in  place  of  a 
number  of  different  courts. 

2.  The  importance  of  a  non-partisan  rnethod  of  selecting  judges. 

3.  The  importance  of  eliminating  political  influence  from  the  selection 
and   activity   of   the   courts. 


REPORT   OF   CRIME   COMMITTEE  I95 

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